System X Handelssystem

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Alle Rechte vorbehalten. 55 Water St. 50th Floor, New York, NY 10041 USAHindu Kastensystem Kastensystem, das ursprünglich für das systemische spirituelle und gesellschaftliche Wachstum von Menschen geschaffen wurde, ist inzwischen zu einem Fluch für die Hindu-Gesellschaft geworden, wegen der falschen Interpretation, Unwissenheit und Benachteiligung Gesellschaft. Einige Leute beschuldigen die gegenwärtige Form des Kastensystems zum Hinduismus, der absolut falsch ist. Evangelisten provozieren so genannte Low-Kaste Menschen, ihre Religion zu akzeptieren, indem sie Kasten-System als eine Waffe gegen den Hinduismus. Dieser Artikel ist nicht geschrieben, um jede Form von Kastensystem zu unterstützen, sondern die Wahrheit dahinter vor den Menschen zu präsentieren. Nach Abschluss der Lektüre dieses Artikels, versichere ich Ihnen, dass Sie eine eingehende Kenntnisse des Kastensystems haben und Sie werden erfahren, dass dies nicht Hindus tatsächlich sind, die für die aktuelle Form des Kastensystems verantwortlich sind, aber es ist das Mangel an dieser wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnis, die zu diesem Zeitpunkt geführt haben. Einführung in das Kastensystem: Das Kastensystem ist ein System, das einen gesellschaftlichen Status des Menschen und seinen Handel durch seine Geburt entscheidet. Modernes Kastensystem ist eine fehlinterpretierte Form von Varnashrama, das auch als Chaturvarnya System d. h. Four Varna System bezeichnet wird. Es ist wichtig zu beachten, dass der Hinduismus Varnashrama und nicht das moderne Kastensystem befürwortet, das auf der Kaste der Familie basiert, in der eine bestimmte Person geboren wird. Das Kasten-System ist breit in vier Kategorien eingeteilt: 1. Brahmin Brahmin ist die am höchsten verehrte Gesellschaft im Hinduismus, die durch Geburtsrechte alle Rituale durchführen und Priester eines Tempels werden kann oder unterrichten oder gelehrte Arbeitsplätze. 2. Kshatriya Die Hauptaufgabe von Kshatriaya ist, die Gesellschaft vor äußeren Aggressionen zu schützen und Recht und Ordnung zu bewahren. Kshatriya ist die zweithöchste verehrte Gemeinschaft, aber ihr Status ist der unterhalb von Brhamins. 3. Vaishya Vaishya ist die Handelsgemeinschaft. Ihre Aufgabe ist es, zu handeln. Ihr Status ist der unter Kshatriya. 4. Shudra Shudras werden betrachtet, um den niedrigsten Status in der Hierarchie der Kaste zu genießen. Ihre Hauptaufgabe ist die körperliche Arbeit, wie Reinigung, Töpferei, Zimmerei usw. Alte Kasteinrichtung, d. h. Varnashrama oder Chaturvarnya System: Jeder Mensch wird mit bestimmten Eigenschaften und mit einer gewissen natürlichen Neigung zu einer bestimmten Beschäftigung, z. B. Einige Leute sind natürliche Unternehmer. Sie wollen nicht für andere um jeden Preis arbeiten, auch wenn sie hoch bezahlt werden. Im Gegenteil, manche Menschen wollen dienen und wollen überhaupt nicht Geschäfte machen. Einige Leute wollen nur den Streitkräften beitreten und für die Sache des Landes kämpfen. Ein paar Jahre zurück britischen Wissenschaftler entdeckt, dass für einen erfolgreichen Geschäftsmann, muss die Person mit bestimmten Sätzen von Genen geboren. Es gibt ein Gerücht, dass auch einige Unternehmen planen, die Gen-Karte einer Person, die für eine bestimmte Stelle beantragt hat, um zu sehen, ob sie für diesen bestimmten Job passen oder nicht überprüfen. Varnashrama war das System, das die gewisse Neigung eines Menschen zu einer bestimmten Beschäftigung erkennt und ihm hilft, den Job zu machen, für den er am besten geeignet ist. Es war von keiner Bedeutung, in welcher Familie er geboren wurde. Es gab keine Einschränkungen für die Ehe zwischen den Personen von zwei verschiedenen Kasten. Nun stellt sich die Frage, dass die alten Hindus Wissen über Gene haben Wenn ja, in welchem ​​Umfang Da die Laboratorien, die wir jetzt nicht verfügbar waren damals, dann wie Cast System im Mittelalter: Die mittelalterliche Periode war die schlimmste Zeit Für Hinduismus. Es war diese Periode nur, wenn die Kasten in viele Unterabschnitte unterteilt wurden. Darüber hinaus fügte der Regionalismus den Kasten neue Aspekte hinzu. Die oben genannten vier Kategorien sind weiter unterteilt. Zum Beispiel gibt es in Brahmanen Untertitel wie Chitpavana Brahmanen, Deshastha Brahmin, Kayastha Brahmin, Vaishnava Brahmanen, Kokanastha Brahmanen und vieles. Wenn ein Baby in einer Hindu-Familie geboren wird, ist heshe nicht nur ein Hindu, sondern ist auch an eine besondere Kaste und Subcaste gebunden, aus der seine Familie stammt. Zum Beispiel, wenn ein Baby in einer Familie Deshastha Brahmin geboren wird, wird er ein Hindu sowie ein Brahmin sein, aber ein Deshastha Brahmin. Die Besetzung einer Person wurde nur von seiner Kaste beschlossen. Das bedeutet, dass ein Tischler Sohn nur Zimmerei zu tun haben und nicht andere Aufträge wie Keramik oder er kann kein Soldat sein, während ein Soldat Sohn nur Soldat sein wird und er wird nicht tun, andere Arbeitsplätze. Zur Zeit in Indien gibt es mehr als 2800 Kasten und Subcasts. In vedischer Zeit gab es nur vier Kasten. So haben Hindus zwischen der Periode von ungefähr 3500 Jahren das ursprüngliche Kastensystem geworfen und haben jetzt zu einer neuen Form des Kastensystems entwickelt. Im modernen Indien sind die Menschen nicht viel über Kaste belästigt, es sei denn, es kommt zur Wahl und Ehe. Die Menschen werfen die alten Gedanken des Kastensystems aus. Die moderne indische Gesellschaft neigt zu einer geldzentrierten Gesellschaft statt einer kastenzentrierten Gesellschaft. Aber leider ist das Kasten-System nicht völlig ausgerottet, vor allem in ländlichen Gebieten, wo die Menschen immer noch die Kaste einer Person als primären Faktor. Die Bedingungen ändern sich schnell. Durch die Bemühungen der indischen Regierung und sozialer Organisationen ändert sich auch das ländliche Indien. Obwohl die sporadischen Vorfälle noch da sind, ist die Zukunft sehr optimistisch. Untere Kaste Menschen wurden Vorbehalte gegeben, so dass sie besetzen können Oberhoheit Positionen in staatlichen Institutionen. Sie wurden auch in Regierungsdiensten reserviert, damit sie schneller vorankommen können. Wissenschaft hinter antiken Kastensystem: Der folgende Absatz ist nur eine Hypothese, da es sehr schwer zu beweisen ist, was vor Tausenden von Jahren passiert ist und wie sich die Dinge entwickelt haben. Wir geben einige theoretische Beweise zu beweisen Wissenschaft in alten Kasten-System. Ich behaupte nicht, dass es 100 wahr ist. Was ich denke, ist die alte Hindus wurden in der Wissenschaft und Technologie, die auch Genetik. Sie wussten, dass es sich dabei um die Gene (nicht genau, aber so ähnlich) handelt, die die Eigenschaften eines Menschen wie Haut, Farbe, Haare, Arbeitsneigung (ob er Kämpfer oder Arbeit usw.), Natur, Krankheiten, Etc. Zu dieser Zeit gab es keine Labore, um eine Blutprobe zu nehmen und die Gene zu identifizieren, aber sie hatten einen anderen Weg gefunden, es herauszufinden, und das war Janma Kundali oder Janma Patrika. Janma Patrika ist auf der Grundlage der Positionen von Sternen, Planeten und Nakshatras zum Zeitpunkt der Geburt einer Person skizziert. Wenn Sie jemals ein Janma Patrika gesehen haben oder wenn Sie es jemals einem Priester gezeigt haben, der profundes Wissen darüber hat, wird er leicht die Eigenschaften einer Person wie Hautfarbe, Natur, Job-Prospekt und eine Menge anderer Dinge ohne erzählen Sehen diese Person. Das habe ich schon oft erlebt. Ich gebe hier einige Beispiele, die ich erlebt habe: 1. Seit meiner Kindheit wollte ich mich entweder mit Streitkräften oder Polizeikräften verbinden, ich wusste nicht, warum. Es sei denn und bis vor ein paar Jahren habe ich noch keine andere Karriere in Betracht gezogen. Ich versuchte mein Bestes, um Streitkräfte zu verbinden, aber leider konnte ich nicht. (Mein Varna ist Kshatriay nach meiner Janma Patrika, was bedeutet, Krieger). 2. Mein Bruder wollte immer ein Geschäftsmann sein. Obwohl er es nicht konnte, versucht er immer noch eins zu werden. Eigentlich liebt er Geschäfte aus dem Herzen (seine Varna ist Vaishya nach seiner Janma Patrika). 3. Einer meiner Freunde will Geschäfte machen um jeden Preis. Im Augenblick arbeitet er und tut ein kleines Unternehmen, für das er ungefähr 16-18 Stunden pro Tag arbeiten muss. Er denkt alles in einem Geschäft (er ist auch ein Vaishya nach seiner Janma Patrika). Dies sind nur wenige Beispiele. Ich habe die Janma Patrika bis zu 90 genaue in einigen Fällen gesehen, aber ich bin nicht sicher, wie man die Zukunft einer Person von Janma Kundali erzählen kann. Abschließend möchte ich sagen, dass es möglich ist, dass die Besetzung einer Person im alten Indien auf der Grundlage von Janma Kundali entschieden wurde, da die Janma Kundali als Ihre Genabbildung betrachtet wurde (wenn Sie modern denken). Nur die Technik, um Merkmale einer Person zu finden war anders. Aber im Laufe der Zeit könnten die Menschen damit begonnen haben, es zu missbrauchen, da es sehr schwer zu wissen ist, wer zu welcher Zeit geboren wurde, und Janma Kundali kann leicht von einer Person manipuliert werden, die Wissen darüber hat. So müssen die Menschen zu diesem Zeitpunkt entschieden haben, einen Job einer Person zuzuteilen, basierend darauf, welche Familie er anstatt seiner Janma Patrika geboren wird, da die nächste Generation Gene der Vorfahren trägt. Zum Beispiel, wenn eine Person in einer Shudra-Familie geboren wurde, musste er arbeiten, und wenn eine Person in einer Brahman-Familie geboren wurde, musste er priesterliche Werke zu tun. So muss das Kastensystem, das wir jetzt sehen, gestiegen sein. Nun, die grundlegendste Frage ist, hat die alten Hindus Wissen über Gene Meine Antwort ist Ja. Wenn Sie einige Kenntnisse über eine typische Hindu-Familie haben, hat jede Familie Gotra. Gotra ist die Abstammung oder der Clan mit einer Hindu-Familie verbunden. Jede Familie hat gotra. Einige Familien haben verschiedene gotra und einige Familien haben das gleiche. In Vorbereitung einer Hindu-Ehe, bevor sie zu einer Entscheidung, wird gotra der beiden Familien überprüft. Eine Ehe zwischen dem gleichen gotra ist nicht erlaubt, da sie von der gleichen Herkunft und genetisch betrachtet werden die Möchtegern Braut und Bräutigam wäre Bruder und Schwester Die Ehe zwischen dem gleichen gotra könnte negative Auswirkungen auf die kommende Generation haben. Es klingt seltsam, aber es ist wahr. Ich denke, das beweist meinen Standpunkt. Der Anstieg der Unberührbarkeit: Bitte lesen Sie oben Absätze auch, wenn Sie wissen wollen, wie unberührbar geworden wäre. Ich muss hier zuerst erwähnen, dass es in keiner hinduistischen Schrift wie Vedas oder Bhagvad Gita ein solches Konzept gibt. Dieses unmenschliche Ding wurde von einigen fehlgeleiteten Menschen in die Praxis umgesetzt, und der Hinduismus unterstützt keine Unberührbarkeit in irgendeiner Form. Im mittelalterlichen Indien benutzten die Leute der oberen Kaste und sogar der unteren Kaste auch die Praxis, nicht die Personen von einigen der Unterabteilungen von Shudras wie Kehrmaschine, Toilettenreiniger, Schuster usw. zu beobachten. Diese Leute wurden gezwungen, außerhalb des Dorfes zu leben, waren es nicht Erlaubt, die Wasserressourcen der oberen Kaste Menschen verwendet, waren nicht erlaubt, Tempel geben, waren nicht erlaubt, Ehe-Zeremonie einer oberen Kaste Person zu besuchen, wurden nicht erlaubt, intellektuelle Arbeitsplätze, etc. Durch Kasten-System, einige der Unteren Kaste Menschen gezwungen wurden, Arbeitsplätze wie WC Reinigung, Kehren und andere Arbeitsplätze, die als schmutzig und nutzlos von der Gesellschaft. Die Leute, die diese Arbeit erledigen, haben die Sauberkeit wegen der Wasserknappheit oder aus anderen Gründen nicht beibehalten können. Da die meisten Hindus Götzenanbetern sind, könnten Personen, die diese Arbeit erledigen, von den Menschen, die andere Berufe betreiben, als schmutzig angesehen werden, und daher könnte ich glaube, dass dieses Konzept der Unberührbarkeit erhöht sein könnte. Die Unantastbarkeit ist jetzt illegal nach indischer Verfassung und Gesetz und niemand in Indien beobachtet dies, aber einige Konflikte noch passieren, in einigen Teil des ländlichen Indien über Fragen der Eintritt in den Tempel und den Austausch der gleichen Wasserressourcen. Kasten-System in anderen Religionen in Indien: Ist es nicht lustig zu wissen, dass auch Menschen aus anderen Religionen wie Christentum und Islam beobachten Kasten-System und sie haben Gruppen, die Kastilien und Sub-Casting in ihrer Religion auch Leider ist es wahr. Der Islam hat etwa 80 verschiedene Gruppen wie Kasten und Subkulturen in Indien. Menschen aus verschiedenen Gruppen heiraten sich nicht. Zum Beispiel, Konkani Muslime denken sich als unterschiedlich und sie nicht etablieren Ehe Beziehungen mit anderen leicht. Unterschiede zwischen Sunniten und Shiya sind weit verbreitet. Christen in Indien haben sich über Regionen aufgeteilt. Es gibt Gruppen wie Goan Christian, UP Christian, Katholiken, Marathi Christen, Keralite Christen, und eine Menge. Menschen dieser Gruppen betrachten sich als überlegen, was völlig gegen ihre Religion ist. Offensichtlich hat das nichts mit Islam oder Christentum zu tun. Es ist die Nebenwirkung des Hindu-Kastensystems, das auch durch andere Religionen eingedrungen ist. Wie das Kasten-System zu beseitigen: Kein Zweifel, was auch immer der Grund sein mag, die Beobachtung Kasten-System in irgendeiner Form, die alt, modern oder mittelalterlich sein kann, ist nicht gut für die Menschheit. Wir sollten nicht, um jeden Preis, die Menschlichkeit in Bezug auf Religion, Kaste oder sogar Gene zu teilen. Jeder Mensch hat das Recht, seine eigene Beschäftigungsform zu wählen, egal was seine Gene sagen. Daher ist es die Pflicht aller Hindus und Menschen anderer Religionen auch, das Kastensystem zu beseitigen. Es ist wirklich möglich und machbar. Wenn wir die Sklaverei ausrotten können, warum können wir dann das Kastenwesen nicht ausrotten? Dieses Ding dauert einige Zeit sogar ein paar hundert weitere Jahre, aber es wird ausgerottet werden. Ich schlage einige einfache Dinge, um diesen Prozess zu beschleunigen. 1. Treffen Sie jede Person als Mensch und nicht als ob jemand seine Kaste, Religion, Rasse usw. darstellt. Fragen Sie niemanden, dass das, was seine Kaste ist. 2. Nie für eine Person Kaste zum Zeitpunkt der Ehe zu suchen. 3. Die Politik nutzt die Kaste für ihre Wahlbanken und nutzt die Vorbehalte, um mehr Stimmen zu gewinnen. Es ist die Pflicht derer, die reservieren, es zu leugnen. Rise auf eigene Faust. Du bist die größte Schöpfung des Gottes. Sie brauchen keine Krücken der Reservierung zu stehen, werfen. 4. Unterrichten Sie Ihre Kinder über Gleichheit und nicht über Kastensystem. 5. Vermeiden Sie Kasten-Kommentare, nicht einmal für Spaß es wirklich schmerzt, um die Person. Ihr Feedback ist uns wichtig. Bitte benutzen Sie unseren Kommentarteil, um Ihre Meinung zu hinterlassen. REDE VORBEREITET VON Dr. BR Ambedkar 1936 Jahreskonferenz des Jat-Pat-Todak-Mandals von Lahore ABER NICHT AUSGESCHLOSSEN Aufgrund der Streichung der Konferenz durch den Empfangsausschuss mit der Begründung, dass die in der Rede zum Ausdruck gebrachten Ansichten für den Rat nicht ausgeschlossen wären Konferenz Es tut mir wirklich leid für die Mitglieder des Jat-Pat-Todak-Mandals, die mich so herzlich eingeladen haben, diesen Vorsitz zu führen. Ich bin sicher, dass sie viele Fragen gestellt werden, um mich als Präsidenten gewählt zu haben. Das Mandal wird gebeten, zu erklären, warum es einen Mann aus Bombay eingeführt hat, um eine Funktion zu leiten, die in Lahore stattfindet. Ich glaube, dass der Mandal leicht jemanden gefunden hat, der besser qualifiziert ist als ich, um an diesem Anlass vorzusitzen. Ich habe die Hindus kritisiert. Ich habe die Autorität des Mahatmas befragt, den sie verehren. Sie hassen mich. Für sie bin ich eine Schlange in ihrem Garten. Der Mandal wird zweifellos von den politisch orientierten Hindus gefragt, warum er mich dazu berufen hat, diesen Ehrenplatz zu erfüllen. Es ist ein Akt der großen Kühnheit. Ich werde nicht überrascht sein, wenn einige politische Hindus es als eine Beleidigung ansehen. Diese Auswahl von mir kann den gewöhnlichen religiösen Hindus gewiß nicht gefallen. Das Mandal kann gebeten werden, zu erklären, warum es die Shastran-Anweisung der Auswahl des Präsidenten nicht gehorcht hat. Accoding zu den Shastras der Brahmin wird ernannt, um der Guru für die drei Varnas zu sein, varnanam bramhano garu, ist eine Richtung der Shastras. Der Mandal weiß daher, von wem ein Hindu seinen Unterricht nehmen sollte und von dem er nicht sollte. Die Shastras erlauben es einem Hindu, niemanden als seinen Guru zu akzeptieren, nur weil er gut versiert ist. Dies wird sehr deutlich von Ramdas, einem Brahman-Heiligen aus Maharashtra, der angeblich Shivaji dazu inspiriert hat, einen Hindu-Raj zu gründen. In seinem Dasbodh, einer sozio-politisch-religiösen Abhandlung in Marathi verse Ramdas fragt, gegen die Hindus, können wir akzeptieren, dass ein Antyaja unser Guru ist, weil er ein Pandit ist (das heißt gelernt) und eine Antwort im Negativen gibt. Welche Antworten auf diese Fragen zu geben ist eine Angelegenheit, die ich dem Mandal überlassen muss. Der Mandal weiß am besten die Gründe, die ihn dazu veranlaßt haben, nach Bombay zu reisen, um einen Präsidenten zu wählen, um einen Mann zu reparieren, der den Hindus so abstoßend ist, und so niedrig in der Skala herabzusteigen, daß er ein Antyaja ein Unberührbares für ein Publikum der Savarnas auswählt. Was mich betrifft, so erlauben Sie mir zu sagen, dass ich die Einladung viel gegen meinen Willen und auch gegen den Willen vieler meiner Unberührbaren akzeptiert habe. Ich weiß, daß die Hindus krank sind von mir. Ich weiß, dass ich keine Person mit ihnen bin. All dies wissend, habe ich mich bewußt von ihnen entfernt. Ich habe keine Lust, mich ihnen zuzufügen. Ich habe meine Ansichten aus meiner eigenen Plattform zum Ausdruck gebracht. Dies hat bereits eine Menge von Sodbrennen und Irritationen verursacht. Ich habe keine Lust, die Plattform der Hindus aufzusteigen, um in ihren Augen zu tun, was ich in ihrem Gehör getan habe. Wenn ich hier bin, liegt es an deiner Wahl und nicht an meinem Wunsch. Ihre ist eine Ursache für soziale Reformen. Dieser Grund hat mir immer einen Appell gemacht, und darum hatte ich das Gefühl, ich solle die Gelegenheit nicht verweigern, der Sache zu helfen, besonders wenn man bedenkt, daß ich ihm helfen kann. Ob das, was ich heute sagen werde, Ihnen in irgendeiner Weise helfen wird, das Problem zu lösen, mit dem Sie zusammenarbeiten, ist für Sie zu beurteilen. Alles, was ich hoffe, zu tun ist, um vor Ihnen meine Ansichten über das Problem. Der Weg der sozialen Reform, wie der Weg zum Himmel jedenfalls in Indien, ist mit vielen Schwierigkeiten bestreut. Sozialreform in Indien hat wenige Freunde und viele Kritiker. Die Kritiker fallen in zwei verschiedene Klassen. Eine Klasse besteht aus politischen Reformern und dem anderen der Sozialisten. Es wurde einmal erkannt, daß ohne gesellschaftliche Effizienz kein dauerhafter Fortschritt in den anderen Tätigkeitsbereichen möglich war, daß die Hindu-Gesellschaft aufgrund des durch die bösen Gebräuche verursachten Unfriedens nicht in einem Zustand der Effizienz war und daß unaufhörliche Anstrengungen unternommen werden müssen, um sie zu beseitigen Diese Übel. Es war aufgrund der Anerkennung dieser Tatsache, dass die Geburt des Nationalkongresses wurde von der Gründung der Sozialkonferenz begleitet. Während der Kongress mit der Definition der Schwachstellen in der politischen Organisation des Landes beschäftigt war, war die Soziale Konferenz mit der Beseitigung der Schwachstellen in der sozialen Organisation der Hindu-Gesellschaft beschäftigt. Seit einiger Zeit arbeiteten der Kongress und die Konferenz als zwei Flügel einer gemeinsamen Aktivität, und sie hielten ihre jährlichen Sitzungen im selben Pandal ab. Doch bald entwickelten sich die beiden Flügel zu zwei Parteien, einer Politischen Reformpartei und einer Sozialreformpartei, zwischen denen es eine heftige Kontroverse gab. Die Politische Reform Partei unterstützt die Nationale Kongress-und Sozialreform Partei unterstützt die Soziale Konferenz. Die beiden Körper wurden so zu zwei feindlichen Lagern. Es ging um die Frage, ob soziale Reformen der politischen Reform vorausgehen sollten. Für ein Jahrzehnt waren die Kräfte gleichmäßig ausgeglichen und die Schlacht wurde ohne Sieg auf beiden Seiten gekämpft. Es war jedoch offensichtlich, dass die Erfolge der Sozialkonferenz schnell abbrach. Die Herren, die den Vorsitz über die Sitzungen der Sozialen Konferenz hielten, beklagten, daß die Mehrheit der gebildeten Hindus für die politische Entwicklung und die sozialen Reformen gleichgültig seien und daß die Zahl derer, die an dem Kongress teilnahmen, sehr groß war und die Zahl, die nicht teilnahm Die mit ihr noch mehr sympathisierten, war die Zahl derer, die an der Sozialkonferenz teilnahmen, sehr viel kleiner. Diese Gleichgültigkeit, dieser Ausdünnung ihrer Reihen folgte bald eine aktive Feindseligkeit der Politiker. Unter der Führung des verstorbenen Herrn Tilak, der Höflichkeit, mit der der Kongress der Sozialkonferenz erlaubte, wurde die Verwendung seines Pandals zurückgezogen, und der Geist der Feindschaft ging so weit, dass, als die Sozialkonferenz ihren eigenen Pandal eine Drohung errichten wollte Um den Pandal zu verbrennen, wurde von seinen Gegnern ausgehalten. So gewann im Laufe der Zeit die Partei zugunsten der politischen Reformen und die Sozialkonferenz verschwand und wurde vergessen. Die von Herrn WC Bonnerji im Jahre 1892 in Allahabad als Präsident der achten Sitzung des Kongresses abgegebene Rede klingt wie eine Beerdigungsrede nach dem Tod der Sozialkonferenz und ist so typisch für die Kongress-Haltung, die ich daraus zitiere Den folgenden Auszug. Herr Bonnerji sagte: 8221 Ich für einen habe keine Geduld mit denen, die sahen, dass wir nicht für politische Reformen passen werden, bis wir unser Sozialsystem reformieren. Ich sehe keinen Zusammenhang zwischen den beiden. Sind wir nicht fit (für politische Reformen), weil unsere Witwen unverheiratet bleiben und unsere Mädchen früher als in anderen Ländern heiraten. Weil unsere Frauen und Töchter nicht mit uns fahren, um unsere Freunde zu besuchen, weil wir unsere Töchter nicht nach Oxford und Cambridge schicken. 8221 (Beifall) 8217 Ich habe den Fall für die politische Reform von Herrn Bonnerji angeführt. Es gab viele, die glücklich sind, dass der Sieg zum Kongress ging. Aber diejenigen, die an die Bedeutung der sozialen Reform zu fragen, zu fragen, ist das Argument wie das von Herrn Bonnerji final. Beweist es, dass der Sieg zu denen ging, die im Recht waren. Gibt es schlüssig, dass soziale Reformen keinen Einfluss auf politische Reformen haben. Es wird uns helfen, die Sache zu verstehen, wenn ich die andere Seite des Falles. Ich werde auf die Behandlung der Unberührbaren für meine Tatsachen zurückgreifen. Unter der Herrschaft des Peshwas im Maratha-Land durfte der Unberührbare die öffentlichen Straßen nicht benutzen, wenn ein Hindu herankam, um den Hindu durch seinen Schatten zu verschmutzen. Das Unberührbare war erforderlich, um einen schwarzen Faden entweder auf seinem Handgelenk oder in seinem Hals als Zeichen oder ein Zeichen zu haben, um zu verhindern, dass die Hindus durch ihre Berührung durch Fehler verschmutzt wurden. In Poona, der Hauptstadt der Peschwa, mußte der Unberührbare von seiner Taille einen Besen tragen, um hinter dem Staub, den er betrat, zu fegen, damit nicht ein hinduistisches Gehen auf demselben verschmutzt würde. In Poona mußte der Unberührbare einen irdenen Topf tragen, der in seinem Hals hing, wohin er ging, um seine Spucke zu halten, damit sein Spieß, der auf die Erde fällt, einen Hindu verschmutzen sollte, der unwissentlich auf ihn treten könnte. Ich nehme neuere Tatsachen. Die Tyrannis, die von den Hindus auf dem Balais, einer unberührbaren Gemeinschaft in Zentralindien, praktiziert wird, wird meinem Zweck dienen. Sie finden einen Bericht davon in der Times of India vom 4. Januar 1928. 8220Der Korrespondent der Times of India berichtete, dass hohe Kaste Hindus, Kalotas, Rajputs und Brahmanen einschließlich der Patels und Patwaris der Dörfer Kanaria, Bicholi-Hafsi, Bicholi-Mardana und etwa 15 weitere Dörfer im Indore-Djistrict (des Indore-Staates) informierten die Balais ihrer jeweiligen Dörfer, wenn sie es wünschten Leben unter ihnen müssen sie mit den folgenden Regeln übereinstimmen: (1) Balais dürfen keine Gold-Spitze-Grenze Pugrees tragen. (2) Sie dürfen keine Dhotis mit farbigen oder scharfen Rändern tragen. (3) Sie müssen die Andeutung des Todes eines Hindus an Angehörige des Verstorbenen vermitteln, egal wie weit entfernt diese Verwandten leben können. (4) In allen Hindu-Ehen müssen Balais vor den Prozessionen und während der Ehe Musik spielen. (5) Balai Frauen dürfen keine goldenen oder silbernen Schmuckstücke tragen, sie dürfen keine feinen Kleider oder Jacken tragen. (6) Balai Frauen müssen alle Fälle der Beschränkung der Hindu-Frauen teilnehmen. (7) Balais müssen Dienstleistungen erbringen, ohne eine Entschädigung zu fordern, und müssen akzeptieren, was ein Hindu gern gibt. (8) Wenn die Balais nicht einverstanden sind, sich an diese Bedingungen zu halten, müssen sie sich aus den Dörfern entfernen. Die Balais lehnten es ab, und das Hindu-Element ging gegen sie vor. Balais waren nicht erlaubt, Wasser von den Dorfbrunnen zu erhalten, denen sie nicht erlaubt wurden, ihr Vieh zu gehen, um zu grasen. Den Balais war es verboten, durch ein Hindu-Land zu gelangen, so dass der Balai keinen Zugang zu seinem eigenen Feld hatte, wenn das Feld eines Balai von Feldern umgeben war, die Hindus besaß. Die Hindus ließen auch ihr Vieh auf den Feldern des Balais weiden. Die Balais legten dem Darbar Petitionen gegen diese Verfolgungen vor, aber da sie keine rechtzeitige Erleichterung bekommen konnten und die Unterdrückung fortsetzte, waren Hunderte von Balais mit ihren Frauen und Kindern verpflichtet, ihre Häuser zu verlassen, in denen ihre Vorfahren für Generationen gelebt haben und zu benachbarten wandern Staaten, d. h. Zu Dörfern in Dhar, Dewas, Bagli, Bhopal, Gwalior und anderen Staaten. Was mit ihnen in ihren neuen Häusern geschah, kann für die Gegenwart von unserer Betrachtung überlassen bleiben. Der Vorfall in Kavitha in Gujarat geschah erst im letzten Jahr. Die Hindus von Kavitha befahlen den Unberührbaren, nicht darauf zu bestehen, daß sie ihre Kinder in die von der Regierung gepflegte gemeinsame Dorfschule schickten. Welche Leiden die Unberührbaren von Kavitha zu unterziehen hatten, weil sie es wagten, ein Bürgerrecht gegen die Wünsche der Hindus auszuüben, ist zu gut bekannt, um detaillierte Beschreibung zu benötigen. Ein anderes Beispiel trat im Dorf Zanu im Bezirk Ahmedabad von Gujarat auf. Im November 1935 begannen einige unberührte Frauen wohlhabender Familien Wasser in Metalltöpfen zu holen. Die Hindus betrachteten den Gebrauch von Metalltöpfen von Unberührbaren als eine Beleidigung ihrer Würde und griffen die unberührbaren Frauen für ihre Frechheit an. Eine jüngste Veranstaltung berichtet aus dem Dorf Chakwara in Jaipur State. Es scheint aus den Berichten, die in den Zeitungen erschienen sind, dass ein Unberührbarer von Chakwara, der von einer Pilgerfahrt zurückgekehrt war, verabredet hatte, ein Abendessen zu seinen Mit-Unberührbaren des Dorfs als ein Akt der frommen Frömmigkeit zu geben. Der Wirt wollte die Gäste zu einer üppigen Mahlzeit zu behandeln und die Gegenstände enthalten Ghee (Butter) auch. Aber während die Versammlung der Unberührbaren mit der Teilnahme an der Nahrung beschäftigt war, stürzten die Hindus in ihren hundert mit Lathis bewaffneten Hunden auf die Bühne, entkochten das Essen und bejubelten die Unberührbaren, die das mitgebrachte Essen verließen und für ihr Leben davonliefen . Und warum wurde dieser mörderische Angriff auf wehrlose Unberührte begangen? Der Grund dafür ist, dass der unberührte Gastgeber unverschämt genug war, um Ghee zu dienen und seine unberührbaren Gäste waren töricht genug, um es zu probieren. Ghee ist zweifellos ein Luxus für die Reichen. Aber niemand würde denken, dass der Verbrauch von Ghee war ein Zeichen der hohen sozialen Status. Die Hindus von Chakwara dachten anders, und in gerechter Empörung rächten sie sich für die Ungerechtigkeiten, die ihnen von den Unberührbaren angetan wurden, die sie dadurch beleidigten, daß sie Ghee als einen Gegenstand ihrer Nahrung behandelten, den sie hätten wissen müssen, daß sie nicht mit ihrer Würde in Einklang stünden Die Hindus. Dies bedeutet, dass ein Unberührbarer darf nicht Ghee verwenden, auch wenn er es sich leisten kann, es zu kaufen, da es ein Akt der Arroganz gegenüber den Hindus ist. Dies geschah am oder nach dem 1. April 1936. Nachdem ich die Tatsachen festgestellt hatte, möchte ich nun den Fall für soziale Reformen angeben. Dabei werde ich Herrn Bonnerji folgen, sobald ich kann und die politisch-gesinnte Hindus fragen 8221 Sind Sie fit für die politische Macht, obwohl Sie nicht zulassen, dass eine große Klasse Ihrer eigenen Landsleute wie die Unberührbaren die öffentliche Schule benutzen . Sind Sie fit für die politische Macht, obwohl Sie nicht erlauben ihnen die Verwendung von öffentlichen Brunnen. Sind Sie fit für die politische Macht, obwohl Sie nicht erlauben ihnen die Nutzung von öffentlichen Straßen. Sind Sie fit für die politische Macht, obwohl Sie nicht zulassen, dass sie tragen, was Kleidung oder Ornamente sie mögen. Sind Sie fit für die politische Macht, obwohl Sie nicht zulassen, dass sie essen keine Lebensmittel, die sie mögen. 8221 Ich kann eine Reihe solcher Fragen stellen. Aber das genügt, ich frage mich, was die Antwort von Herrn Bonnerji gewesen wäre. Ich bin sicher, kein vernünftiger Mensch wird den Mut haben, eine bejahende Antwort zu geben. Jeder Kongressabgeordnete, der das Dogma der Mühle wiederholt, dass ein Land nicht geeignet ist, ein anderes Land zu regieren, muss zugeben, dass eine Klasse nicht dazu geeignet ist, eine andere Klasse zu regieren. Wie ist es dann, dass die Sozialreform Partei die Schlacht. Um dies richtig zu verstehen, ist es notwendig, die Art der Sozialreform zur Kenntnis zu nehmen, die die Reformer aufregen. In diesem Zusammenhang ist zu unterscheiden zwischen sozialer Reform im Sinne der Reform der Hindu-Familie und sozialer Reformen im Sinne der Reorganisation und Rekonstruktion der Hindu-Gesellschaft. Ersteres bezieht sich auf Witwenwiederheirat, Kinderheirat usw., während letzteres sich auf die Abschaffung des Caste-Systems bezieht. Die Sozialkonferenz war eine Einrichtung, die sich vor allem mit der Reform der Hindu-Familie der hohen Kaste beschäftigte. Es bestand vor allem aus erleuchteten hohen Kaste Hindus, die nicht die Notwendigkeit für die Aufregung für die Abschaffung der Kaste fühlte oder hatte nicht den Mut, für sie zu rühren. Sie fühlten ganz natürlich einen größeren Drang, solche Uebel zu beseitigen, wie erzwungene Witwenschaft, Eheschließungen usw., die unter ihnen herrschten und die von ihnen persönlich empfunden wurden. Sie haben sich nicht für die Reform der hinduistischen Gesellschaft eingesetzt. Der Kampf, der kämpfte, konzentrierte sich um die Frage der Reform der Familie. Sie bezieht sich nicht auf die soziale Reform im Sinne des Bruches des Kastensystems. Es wurde nie von den Reformern in Frage gestellt. Das ist der Grund, warum die Sozialreformpartei verloren hat. Ich bin mir bewusst, dass dieses Argument nichts daran ändern kann, dass politische Reformen in der Tat Vorrang vor gesellschaftlichen Reformen hatten. Aber das Argument hat so viel Wert, wenn nicht mehr. Es erklärt, warum soziale Reformer die Schlacht verloren. Es hilft uns auch, zu verstehen, wie begrenzt der Sieg war, den die Politische Reformpartei über die Sozialreformpartei erhielt, und daß die Auffassung, daß soziale Reformen der politischen Reform nicht vorausgehen müssen, eine Ansicht ist, die nur dann bestehen kann, wenn durch soziale Reformen die Reform gemeint ist die Familie. Diese politische Reform kann nicht mit Straffreiheit Vorrang vor sozialer Reform im Sinne des Wiederaufbaus der Gesellschaft ist eine These, die, ich bin sicher, kann nicht umstritten werden. Dass die Macher der politischen Verfassungen den sozialen Kräften Rechnung tragen müssen, ist eine Tatsache, die nicht weniger als Ferdinand Lassalle, der Freund und Mitarbeiter von Karl Marx, anerkannt wird. Bei einem preußischen Publikum im Jahre 1862 sagte Lassalle: 8221 Die Verfassungsfragen sind in erster Linie nicht Fragen des Rechts, sondern Fragen der Macht. Die tatsächliche Verfassung eines Landes hat seine Existenz nur im tatsächlichen Zustand der Kraft, die im Land existiert. Daher haben politische Verfassungen nur dann Wert und Beständigkeit, wenn sie die Kräfte, die in der Praxis in einer Gesellschaft existieren, zutreffend ausdrücken. Aber es ist nicht notwendig, nach Preußen zu gehen. Es gibt Beweise zu Hause. Was ist die Bedeutung des Kommunalpreises mit seiner Zuweisung von politischer Macht in definierten Proportionen zu verschiedenen Klassen und Gemeinschaften. Meiner Ansicht nach liegt ihre Bedeutung darin, dass die politische Verfassung die soziale Organisation zur Kenntnis nehmen muss. Es zeigt, dass die Politiker, die bestritten, dass das soziale Problem in Indien hatte keine Auswirkungen auf das politische Problem wurden gezwungen, mit dem sozialen Problem bei der Ausarbeitung der Verfassung zu rechnen. Der Kommunalpreis ist sozusagen der Nemesis, der auf die Gleichgültigkeit und Vernachlässigung sozialer Reformen folgt. Es ist ein Sieg für die Sozialreformpartei, die zeigt, dass sie, obwohl sie besiegt waren, im Recht darauf waren, auf die Bedeutung sozialer Reformen zu bestehen. Viele, ich weiß, werden das nicht akzeptieren. Der Blick ist aktuell, und es ist angenehm, daran zu glauben, dass der Kommunalpreis unnatürlich ist und dass er das Ergebnis einer unheiligen Allianz zwischen den Minderheiten und der Bürokratie ist. I do not wish to rely on the Communal Award as a piece of evidence to support my contention if it is said that it is not good evidence. Let us turn to Ireland. What does the history of Irish Home Rule show. It is well-known that in the course of the negotiations between the representatives of Ulster and Southern Ireland, Mr. Redmond, the representative of Southern Ireland, in order to bring Ulster in a Home Rule Constitution common to the whole of Ireland said to the representatives of Ulster. 8221 Ask any political safeguards you like and you shall have them.8221 What was the reply that Ulstermen gave. Their reply was 8221 Damn your safeguards, we don8217t want to be ruled by you on any terms.8221 People who blame the minorities in India ought to consider what would have happened to the political aspirations of the majority if the minorities had taken the attitude which Ulster took. Judged by the attitude of Ulster to Irish Home Rule, is it noting that the minorities agreed to be ruled by the majority which has not shown much sense of statesmanship, provided some safeguards were devised for them. But this is only incidental. The main question is why did Ulster take this attitude. The only answer I can give is that there was a social problem between Ulster and Southern Ireland the problem between Catholics and Protestants, essentially a problem of Caste. That Home Rule in Ireland would be Rome Rule was the way in which the Ulstermen had framed their answer. But that is only another way of stating that it was the social problem of Caste between the Catholics and Protestants, which prevented the solution of the political problem. This evidence again is sure to be challenged. It will be urged that here too the hand of the Imperialist was at work. But my resources are not exhausted. I will give evidence from the History of Rome. Here no one can say that any evil genius was at work. Any one who has studied the History of Rome will know that the Republican Constitution of Rome bore marks having strong resemblance to the Communal Award. When the kingship in Rome was abolished, the Kingly power or the Imperium was divided between the Consuls and the Pontifex Maximus. In the Consuls was vested the secular authority of the King, while the latter took over the religious authority of King. This Republican Constitution had provided that, of the two Consuls one was to be Patrician and the other Plebian. The same constitution had also provided that, of the Priests under the Pontifex Maximus, half were to be Plebians and the other half Patricians. Why is it that the Republican Constitution of Rome had these provisions which, as I said, resemble so strongly the provisions of the Communal Award. The only answer one can get is that the Constitution of Republican Rome had to take account of the social division between the Patricians and the Plebians, who formed two distinct castes. To sum up, let political reformers turn to any direction they like, they will find that in the making of a constitution, they cannot ignore the problem arising out of the prevailing social order. The illustrations which I have taken in support of the proposition that social and religious problems have a bearing on political constitutions seem to be too particular. Perhaps they are. But it should not be supposed that the bearing of the one on the other is limited. On the other hand one can say that generally speaking History bears out the proposition that political revolutions have always been preceded by social and religious revolutions. The religious Reformation started by Luther was the precursor of the political emancipation of the European people. In England Puritanism led to the establishment of political liberty. Puritanism founded the new world. It was Puritanism which won the war of American Independence and Puritanism was a religious movement. The same is true of the Muslim Empire. Before the Arabs became a political power they had undergone a thorough religious revolution started by the Prophet Mohammad. Even Indian History supports the same conclusion. The political revolution led by Chandragupta was preceded by the religious and social revolution of Buddha. The political revolution led by Shivaji was preceded by the religious and social reform brought about by the saints of Maharashtra. The political revolution of the Sikhs was preceded by the religious and social revolution led by Guru Nanak. It is unnecessary to add more illustrations. These will suffice to show that the emancipation of the mind and the soul is a necessary preliminary for the political expansion of the people. Let me now turn to the Socialists. Can the Socialists ignore the problem arising out of the social order. The Socialists of India following their fellows in Europe are seeking to apply the economic interpretation of history to the facts of India. They propound that man is an economic creature, that his activities and aspirations are bound by economic facts, that property is the only source of power. They, therefore, preach that political and social reforms are but gigantic illusions and that economic reform by equalization of property must have precedence over every other kind of reform. One may join issue on every one of these premises on which rests the Socialists8217 case for economic reform having priority over every other kind of reform. One may contend that economic motive is not the only motive by which man is actuated. That economic power is the only kind of power no student of human society can accept. That the social status of an individual by itself often becomes a source of power and authority is made clear by the sway which the Mahatmos have held over the common man. Why do millionaires in India obey penniless Sadhus and Fakirs. Why do millions of paupers in India sell their trifling trinkets which constitute their only wealth and go to Benares and Mecca. That, religion is the source of power is illustrated by the history of India where the priest holds a sway over the common man often greater than the magistrate and where everything, even such things as strikes and elections, so easily take a religious turn and can so easily be given a religious twist. Take the case of the Plebians of Rome as a further illustration of the power of religion over man. It throws great light on this point. The Plebs had fought for a share in the supreme executive under the Roman Republic and had secured the appointment of a Plebian Consul elected by a separate electorate constituted by the Commitia Centuriata, which was an assembly of Piebians. They wanted a Consul of their own because they felt that the Patrician Consuls used to discriminate against the Plebians in carrying on the administration. They had apparently obtained a great gain because under the Republican Constitution of Rome one Consul had the power of vetoing an act of the other Consul. But did they in fact gain anything. The answer to this question must be in the negative. The Plebians never could get a Plebian Consul who could be said to be a strong man and who could act independently of the Patrician Consul. In the ordinary course of things the Plebians should have got a strong Plebian Consul in view of the fact that his election was to be by a separate electorate of Plebians. The question is why did they fail in getting a strong Plebian to officiate as their Consul The answer to this question reveals the dominion which religion exercises over the minds of men. It was an accepted creed of the whole Roman populus that no official could enter upon the duties of his office unless the Oracle of Delphi declared that he was acceptable to the Goddess. The priests who were in charge of the temple of the Goddess of Delphi were all Patricians. Whenever therefore the Plebians elected a Consul who was known to be a strong party man opposed to the Patricians or 8221 communal 8221 to use the term that is current in India, the Oracle invariably declared that he was not acceptable to the Goddess. This is how the Plebians were cheated out of their rights. But what is worthy of note is that the Plebians permitted themselves to be thus cheated because they too like the Patricians, held firmly the belief that the approval of the Goddess was a condition precedent to the taking charge by an official of his duties and that election by the people was not enough. If the Plebians had contended that election was enough and that the approval by the Goddess was not necessary they would have derived the fullest benefit from the political right which they had obtained. But they did not. They agreed to elect another, less suitable to themselves but more suitable to the Goddess which in fact meant more amenable to the Patricians. Rather than give up religion, the Plebians give up material gain for which they had fought so hard. Does this not show that religion can be a source of power as great as money if not greater. The fallacy of the Socialists lies in supposing that because in the present stage of European Society property as a source of power is predominant, that the same is true of India or that the same was true of Europe in the past. Religion, social status and property are all sources of power and authority, which one man has, to control the liberty of another. One is predominant at one stage the other is predominant at another stage. That is the only difference. If liberty is the ideal, if liberty means the destruction of the dominion which one man holds over another then obviously it cannot be insisted upon that economic reform must be the one kind of reform worthy of pursuit. If the source of power and dominion is at any given time or in any given society social and religious then social reform and religious reform must be accepted as the necessary sort of reform. One can thus attack the doctrine of Economic Interpretation of History adopted by the Socialists of India. But I recognize that economic interpretation of history is not necessary for the validity of the Socialist contention that equalization of property is the only real reform and that it must precede everything else. However, what I like to ask the Socialists is this. Can you have economic reform without first bringing about a reform of the social order. The Socialists of India do not seem to have considered this question. I do not wish to do them an injustice. I give below a quotation from a letter which a prominent Socialist wrote a few days ago to a friend of mine in which he said, 8221 I do not believe that we can build up a free society in India so long as there is a trace of this ill-treatment and suppression of one class by another. Believing as I do in a socialist ideal, inevitably I believe in perfect equality in the treatment of various classes and groups. I think that Socialism offers the only true remedy for this as well as other problems.8221 Now the question that I like to ask is. Is it enough for a Socialist to say, 8221 I believe in perfect equality in the treatment of the various classes. 8221 To say that such a belief is enough is to disclose a complete lack of understanding of what is involved in Socialism. If Socialism is a practical programme and is not merely an ideal, distant and far off, the question for a Socialist is not whether he believes in equality. The question for him is whether he minds one class ill-treating and suppressing another class as a matter of system, as a matter of principle and thus allow tyranny and oppression to continue to divide one class from another. Let me analyse the factors that are involved in the realization of Socialism in order to explain fully my point. Now it is obvious that the economic reform contemplated by the Socialists cannot come about unless there is a revolution resulting in the seizure of power. That seizure of power must be by a proletariat. The first question I ask is. Will the proletariat of India combine to bring about this revolution. What will move men to such an action. It seems to me that other things being equal the only thing that will move one man to take such an action is the feeling that other man with whom he is acting are actuated by feeling of equality and fraternity and above all of justice. Men will not join in a revolution for the equalization of property unless they know that after the revolution is achieved they will be treated equally and that there will be no discrimination of caste and creed. The assurance of a socialist leading the revolution that he does not believe in caste, I am sure, will not suffice. The assurance must be the assurance proceeding from much deeper foundation, namely, the mental attitude of the compatriots towards one another in their spirit of personal equality and fraternity. Can it be said that the proletariat of India, poor as it is, recognise no distinctions except that of the rich and the poor. Can it be said that the poor in India recognize no such distinctions of caste or creed, high or low. If the fact is that they do, what unity of front can be expected from such a proletariat in its action against the rich. How can there be a revolution if the proletariat cannot present a united front Suppose for the sake of argument that by some freak of fortune a revolution does take place and the Socialists come in power, will they not have to deal with the problems created by the particular social order prevalent in India. I can8217t see how a Socialist State in India can function for a second without having to grapple with the problems created by the prejudices which make Indian people observe the distinctions of high and low, clean and unclean. If Socialists are not to be content with the mouthing of fine phrases, if the Socialists wish to make Socialism a definite reality then they must recognize that the problem of social reform is fundamental and that for them there is no escape from it. That, the social order prevalent in India is a matter which a Socialist must deal with, that unless he does so he cannot achieve his revolution and that if he does achieve it as a result of good fortune he will have to grapple with it if he wishes to realize his ideal, is a proposition which in my opinion is incontrovertible. He will be compelled to take account of caste after revolution if he does not take account of it before revolution. This is only another way of saying that, turn in any direction you like, caste is the monster that crosses your path. You cannot have political reform, you cannot have economic reform, unless you kill this monster. It is a pity that Caste even today has its defenders. The defences are many. It is defended on the ground that the Caste System is but another name for division of labour and if division of labour is a necessary feature of every civilized society then it is argued that there is nothing wrong in the Caste System. Now the first thing is to be urged against this view is that Caste System is not merely division of labour. It is also a division of labourers. Civilized society undoubtedly needs division of labour. But in no civilized society is division of labour accompanied by this unnatural division of labourers into watertight compartments. Caste System is not merely a division of labourers which is quite different from division of labourit is an hierarchy in which the divisions of labourers are graded one above the other. In no other country is the division of labour accompanied by this gradation of labourers. There is also a third point of criticism against this view of the Caste System. This division of labour is not spontaneous it is not based on natural aptitudes. Social and individual efficiency requires us to develop the capacity of an individual to the point of competency to choose and to make his own career. This principle is violated in the Caste System in so far as it involves an attempt to appoint tasks to individuals in advance, selected not on the basis of trained original capacities, but on that of the social status of the parents. Looked at from another point of view this stratification of occupations which is the result of the Caste System is positively pernicious. Industry is never static. It undergoes rapid and abrupt changes. With such changes an individual must be free to change his occupation. Without such freedom to adjust himself to changing circumstances it would be impossible for him to gain his livelihood. Now the Caste System will not allow Hindus to take to occupations where they are wanted if they do not belong to them by heredity. If a Hindu is seen to starve rather than take to new occupations not assigned to his Caste, the reason is to be found in the Caste System. By not permitting readjustment of occupations, caste becomes a direct cause of much of the unemployment we see in the country. As a form of division of labour the Caste system suffers from another serious defect. The division of labour brought about by the Caste System is not a division based on choice. Individual sentiment, individual preference has no place in it. It is based on the dogma of predestination. Considerations of social efficiency would compel us to recognize that the greatest evil in the industrial system is not: so much poverty and the suffering that it involves as the fact that so many persons have callings which make no appeal to those who are engaged in them. Such callings constantly provoke one to aversion, ill will and the desire to evade. There are many occupations in India which on account of the fact that they are regarded as degraded by the Hindus provoke those who are engaged in them to aversion. There is a constant desire to evade and escape from such occupations which arises solely because of the blighting effect which they produce upon those who follow them owing to the slight and stigma cast upon them by the Hindu religion. What efficiency can there be in a system under which neither men8217s hearts nor their minds are in their work As an economic organization Caste is therefore a harmful institution, inasmuch as, it involves the subordination of man8217s natural powers and inclinations to the exigencies of social rules Some have dug a biological trench in defence of the Caste System. It is said that the object of Caste was to preserve purity of race and purity of blood. Now ethnologists are of opinion that men of pure race exist nowhere and that there has been a mixture of all races in all parts of the world. Especially is this the case with the people of India. Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar in his paper on Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population has stated that 8221 There is hardly a class, or Caste in India which has not a foreign strain in it. There is an admixture of alien blood not only among the warrior classesthe Rajputs and the Marathasbut also among the Brahmins who are under the happy delusion that they are free from all foreign elements.8221 The Caste system cannot be said to have grown as a means of preventing the admixture of races or as a means of maintaining purity of blood. As a matter of fact Caste system came into being long after the different races of India had commingled in blood and culture. To hold that distinctions of Castes or really distinctions of race and to treat different Castes as though they were so many different races is a gross perversion of facts. What racial affinity is there between the Brahmin of the Punjab and the Brahmin of Madras. What racial affinity is there between the untouchable of Bengal and the untouchable of Madras. What racial difference is there between the Brahmin of the Punjab and the Chamar of the Punjab. What racial difference is there between the Brahmin of Madras and the Pariah of Madras. The Brahmin of the Punjab is racially of the same stock as the Chamar of the Punjab and the Brahmin of Madras is of the same race as the Pariah of Madras. Caste system does not demarcate racial division. Caste system is a social division of people of the same race. Assuming it, however, to be a case of racial divisions one may ask. What harm could there be if a mixture of races and of blood was permitted to take place in India by intermarriages between different Castes. Men are no doubt divided from animals by so deep a distinction that science recognizes men and animals as two distinct species. But even scientists who believe in purity of races do not assert that the different races constitute different species of men. They are only varieties of one and the same species. As such they can interbreed and produce an offspring which is capable of breeding and which is not sterile. An immense lot of nonsense is talked about heredity and eugenics in defence of the Caste System. Few would object to the Caste System if it was in accord with the basic principle of eugenics because few can object to the improvement of the race by judicious noting. But one fails to understand how the Caste System secures judicious mating. Caste System is a negative thing. It merely prohibits persons belonging to different Castes from intermarrying. It is not a positive method of selecting which two among a given Caste should marry. If Caste is eugenic in origin then the origin of sub-Castes must also be eugenic. But can any one seriously maintain that the origin of sub-Castes is eugenic. I think it would be absurd to contend for such a proposition and for a very obvious reason. If Caste means race then differences of sub-Castes cannot mean differences of race because sub-Castes become ex hypothesia sub-divisions of one and the same race. Consequently the bar against intermarrying and interdining between sub-Castes cannot be for the purpose of maintaining purity of race or of blood. If sub-Castes cannot be eugenic in origin there cannot be any substance in the contention that Caste is eugenic in origin. Again if Caste is eugenic in origin one can understand the bar against intermarriage. But what is the purpose of the interdict placed on interdining between Castes and sub-Castes alike. Interdining cannot infect blood and therefore cannot be the cause either of the improvement or of deterioration of the race. This shows that Caste has no scientific origin and that those who are attempting to give it an eugenic basis are trying to support by science what is grossly unscientific. Even today eugenics cannot become a practical possibility unless we have definite knowledge regarding the laws of heredity. Prof. Bateson in his Mendel8217s Principles of Heredity says, 8221 There is nothing in the descent of the higher mental qualities to suggest that they follow any single system of transmission. It is likely that both they and the more marked developments of physical powers result rather from the coincidence of numerous factors than from the possession of any one genetic element.8221 To argue that the Caste System was eugenic in its conception is to attribute to the forefathers of present-day Hindus a knowledge of heredity which even the modern scientists do not possess. A tree should be judged by the fruits it yields. If caste is eugenic what sort of a race of men it should have produced. Physically speaking the Hindus are a C3 people. They are a race of Pygmies and dwarfs stunted in stature and wanting in stamina. It is a nation 91Oths of which is declared to be unfit for military service. This shows that the Caste System does not embody the eugenics of modem scientists. It is a social system which embodies the arrogance and selfishness of a perverse section of the Hindus who were superior enough in social status to set it in fashion and who had authority to force it on their inferiors. Caste does not result in economic efficiency. Caste cannot and has not improved the race. Caste has however done one thing. It has completely disorganized and demoralized the Hindus. The first and foremost thing that must be recognized is that Hindu Society is a myth. The name Hindu is itself a foreign name. It was given by the Mohammedans to the natives for the purpose of distinguishing themselves. It does not occur in any Sanskrit work prior to the Mohammedan invasion. They did not feel the necessity of a common name because they had no conception of their having constituted a community. Hindu society as such does not exist. It is only a collection of castes. Each caste is conscious of its existence. Its survival is the be all and end all of its existence. Castes do not even form a federation. A caste has no feeling that it is affiliated to other castes except when there is a Hindu-Muslim riot. On all other occasions each caste endeavours to segregate itself and to distinguish itself from other castes. Each caste not only dines among itself and marries among itself but each caste prescribes its own distinctive dress. What other explanation can there be of the innumerable styles of dress worn by the men and women of India which so amuse the tourists. Indeed the ideal Hindu must be like a rat living in his own hole refusing to have any contact with others. There is an utter lack among the Hindus of what the sociologists call 8221 consciousness of kind 8220. There is no Hindu consciousness of kind. In every Hindu the consciousness that exists is the consciousness of his caste. That is the reason why the Hindus cannot be said to form a society or a nation. There are however many Indians whose patriotism does not permit them to admit that Indians are not a nation, that they are only an amorphous mass of people. They have insisted that underlying the apparent diversity there is a fundamental unity which marks the life of the Hindus in as much as there is a similarity of habits and customs, beliefs and thoughts which obtain all over the continent of India. Similarity in habits and customs, beliefs and thoughts there is. But one cannot accept the conclusion that therefore, the Hindus constitute a society. To do so is to misunderstand the essentials which go to make up a society. Men do not become a society by living in physical proximity any more than a man ceases to be a member of his society by living so many miles away from other men. Secondly similarity in habits and customs, beliefs and thoughts is not enough to constitute men into society. Things may be passed physically from one to another like bricks. In the same way habits and customs, beliefs and thoughts of one group may be taken over by another group and there may thus appear a similarity between the two. Culture spreads by diffusion and that is why one finds similarity between various primitive tribes in the matter of their habits and customs, beliefs and thoughts, although they do not live in proximity. But no one could say that because there was this similarity the primitive tribes constituted one society. This is because similarly in certain things is not enough to constitute a society. Men constitute a society because they have things which they possess in common. To have similar thing is totally different from possessing things in common. And the only way by which men can come to possess things in common with one another is by being in communication with one another. This is merely another way of saying that Society continues to exist by communication indeed in communication. To make it concrete, it is not enough if men act in a way which agrees with the acts of others. Parallel activity, even if similar, is not sufficient to bind men into a society. This is proved by the fact that the festivals observed by the different Castes amongst the Hindus are the same. Yet these parallel performances of similar festivals by the different castes have not bound them into one integral whole. For that purpose what is necessary is for a man to share and participate in a common activity so that the same emotions are aroused in him that animate the others. Making the individual a sharer or partner in the associated activity so that he feels its success as his success, its failure as his failure is the real thing that binds men and makes a society of them. The Caste System prevents common activity and by preventing common activity it has prevented the Hindus from becoming a society with a unified life and a consciousness of its own being. The Hindus often complain of the isolation and exclusiveness of a gang or a clique and blame them for anti-social spirit. But they conveniently forget that this anti-social spirit is the worst feature of their own Caste System. One caste enjoys singing a hymn of hate against another caste as much as the Germans did in singing their hymn of hate against the English during the last war. The literature of the Hindus is full of caste genealogies in which an attempt is made to give a noble origin to one caste and an ignoble origin to other castes. The Sahyadrikhand is a notorious instance of this class of literature. This anti-social spirit is not confined to caste alone. It has gone deeper and has poisoned the mutual relations of the sub-castes as well. In my province the Golak Brahmins, Deorukha Brahmins, Karada Brahmins, Palshe Brahmins and Chitpavan Brahmins, all claim to be sub-divisions of the Brahmin Caste. But the anti-social spirit that prevails between them is quite as marked and quite as virulent as the anti-social spirit that prevails between them and other non-Brahmin castes. There is nothing strange in this. An anti-social spirit is found wherever one group has 8221 interests of its own 8221 which shut it out from full interaction with other groups, so that its prevailing purpose is protection of what it has got. This anti-social spirit, this spirit of protecting its own interests is as much a marked feature of the different castes in their isolation from one another as it is of nations in their isolation. The Brahmin8217s primary concern is to protect 8221 his interest 8221 against those of the non-Brahmins and the non-Brahmin8217s primary concern is to protect their interests against those of the Brahmins. The Hindus, therefore, are not merely an assortment of castes but they are so many warring groups each living for itself and for its selfish ideal. There is another feature of caste which is deplorable. The ancestors of the present-day English fought on one side or the other in the wars of the Roses and the Cromwellian War. But the decendents of those who fought on the one side do not bear any animosity any grudge against the descendents of those who fought on the other side. The feud is forgotten. But the present-day non-Brahmins cannot forgive the present-day Brahmins for the insult their ancestors gave to Shivaji. The present-day Kayasthas will not forgive the present-day Brahmins for the infamy cast upon their forefathers by the forefathers of the latter. To what is this difference due. Obviously to the Caste System. The existence of Caste and Caste Consciousness has served to keep the memory of past feuds between castes green and has prevented solidarity. The recent discussion about the excluded and partially included areas has served to draw attention to the position of what are called the aboriginal tribes in India. They number about 13 millions if not more. Apart from the questions whether their exclusion from the new Constitution is proper or improper, the fact still remains that these aborigines have remained in their primitive uncivilized State in a land which boasts of a civilization thousands of years old. Not only are they not civilized but some of them follow pursuits which have led to their being classified as criminals. Thirteen millions of people living in the midst of civilization are still in a savage state and are leading the life of hereditary criminals. But the Hindus have never felt ashamed of it. This is a phenomenon which in my view is quite unparalleled. What is the cause of this shameful state of affairs. Why has no attempt been made to civilize these aborigines and to lead them to take to a more honourable way of making a living. The Hindus will probably seek to account for this savage state of the aborigines by attributing to them congenital stupidity. They will probably not admit that the aborigines have remained savages because they had made no effort to civilize them, to give them medical aid, to reform them, to make them good citizens. But supposing a Hindu wished to do what the Christian missionary is doing for these aborigines, could he have done it. I submit not. Civilizing the aborigines means adopting them as your own, living in their midst, and cultivating fellow-feeling, in short loving them. How is it possible for a Hindu to do this. His whole life is one anxious effort to preserve his caste. Caste is his precious possession which he must save at any cost. He cannot consent to lose it by establishing contact with the aborigines the remnants of the hateful Anary as of the Vedic days. Not that a Hindu could not be taught the sense of duty to fallen humanity, but the trouble is that no amount of sense of duty can enable him to overcome his duty to preserve his caste. Caste is, therefore, the real explanation as to why the Hindu has let the savage remain a savage in the midst of his civilization without blushing or without feeling any sense of remorse or repentance. The Hindu has not realized that these aborigines are a source of potential danger. If these savages remain savages they may not do any harm to the Hindus. But if they are reclaimed by non-Hindus and converted to their faiths they will swell the ranks of the enemies of the Hindus. If this happens the Hindu will have to thank himself and his Caste System. Not only has the Hindu made no effort for the humanitarian cause of civilizing the savages but the higher-caste Hindus have deliberately prevented the lower castes who are within the pale of Hinduism from rising to the cultural level of the higher castes. 1. will give two instances, one of the Sonars and the other of the Pathare Prabhus. Both are communities quite well-known in Maharashtra. Like the rest of the communities desiring to raise their status these two communities were at one time endeavouring to adopt some of the ways and habits of the Brahmins. The Sonars were styling themselves Daivadnya Brahmins and were wearing their 8221 dhotis 8221 with folds on and using the word namaskar for salutation. Both, the folded way of wearing the 8221 dhoti 8221 and the namaskar were special to the Brahmins. The Brahmins did not like this imitation and this attempt by Sonars to pass off as Brahmins. Under the authority of the Peshwas the Brahmins successfully put down this attempt on the part. of the Sonars to adopt the ways of the Brahmins. They even got the President of the Councils of the East India Company8217s settlement in Bombay to issue a. prohibitory order against the Sonars residing in Bombay. At one time the Pathare Prabhus had widow-remarriage as a custom of their caste. This custom of widow-remarriage was later on looked upon as amark of social inferiority by some members of the caste especially because it was contrary to the custom prevalent among the Brahmins. With the object of raising the status of their community some Pathare Prabhus sought to stop this practice of widow-remarriage that was prevalent in their caste. The community was divided into two camps, one for and the other against the innovation. The Peshwas took the side of those in favour of widow-remarriage and thus virtually prohibited the Pathare Prabhus from following the ways of the Brahmins. The Hindus criticise the Mohammedans for having spread their religion by the use of the sword. They also ridicule Christianity on the score of the inquisition. But really speaking who is better and more worthy of our respectthe Mohammedans and Christians who attempted to thrust down the throats of unwilling persons what they regarded as necessary for their salvation or the Hindu who would not spread the light, who would endeavour to keep others in darkness, who would not consent to share his intellectual and social inheritance with those who are ready and willing to make it a part of their own make-up. I have no hesitation in saying that if the Mohammedan has been cruel the Hindu has been mean and meanness is worse than cruelty. Whether the Hindu religion was or was not a missionary religion has been a controversial issue. Some hold the view that it was never a missionary religion. Others hold that it was. That the Hindu religion was once a missionary religion must be admitted. It could not have spread over the face of India, if it was not a missionary religion. That today it is not a missionary religion is also a fact which must be accepted. The question therefore is not whether or not the Hindu religion was a missionary religion. The real question is why did the Hindu religion cease to be a missionary religion. My answer is this. Hindu religion ceased to be a missionary religion when the Caste System grew up among the Hindus. Caste is inconsistent with conversion. Inculcation of beliefs and dogmas is not the only problem that is involved in conversion. To find a place for the convert in the social life of the community is another and a much more important problem that arises in connection with conversion. That problem is where to place the convert, in what caste. It is a problem which must baffle every Hindu wishing to make aliens converts to his religion. Unlike the club the membership of a caste is not open to all and sundry. The law of caste confines its membership to person born in the caste. Castes are autonomous and there is no authority anywhere to compel a caste to admit a new-comer to its social life. Hindu Society being a collection of castes and each caste being a close corporation there is no place for a convert. Thus it is the caste which has prevented the Hindus from expanding and from absorbing other religious communities. So long as caste remain, Hindu religion cannot be made a missionary religion and Shudhi will be both a folly and a futility. The reasons which have made Shudhi impossible for Hindus are also responsible for making Sanghatan impossible. The idea underlying Sanghalan is to remove from the mind of the Hindu that timidity and cowardice which so painfully make him off from the Mohammedan and the Sikh and which have led him to adopt the low ways of treachery and cunning for protecting himself. The question naturally arises. From where does the Sikh or the Mohammedan derive his strength which makes him brave and fearless. I am sure it is not due to relative superiority of physical strength, diet or drill. It is due to the strength arising out of the feeling that all Sikhs will come to the rescue of a Sikh when he is in danger and that all Mohammedans will rush to save a Muslim if he is attacked. The Hindu can derive no such strength. He cannot feel assured that his fellows will come to his help. Being one and fated to be alone he remains powerless, develops timidity and cowardice and in a fight surrenders or runs away. The Sikh as well as the Muslim stands fearless and gives battle because he knows that though one he will not be alone. The presence of this belief in the one helps him to hold out and the absence of it in the other makes him to give way. If you pursue this matter further and ask what is it that enables the Sikh and the Mohammedan to feel so assured and why is the Hindu filled with such despair in the matter of help and assistance you will find that the reasons for this difference lie in the difference in their associated mode of living. The associated mode of life practised by the Sikhs and the Mohammedans produces fellow-feeling. The associated mode of life of the Hindus does not. Among Sikhs and Muslims there is a social cement which makes them Bhais. Among Hindus there is no such cement and one Hindu does not regard another Hindu as his Bhai. This explains why a Sikh says and feels that one Sikh, or one Khalsa is equal to Sava Lakh men. This explains why one Mohammedan is equal to a crowd of Hindus. This difference is undoubtedly a difference due to caste. So long as caste remains, there will be no Sanghalan and so long as there is no Sanghatan the Hindu will remain weak and meek. The Hindus claim to be a very tolerant people. In my opinion this is a mistake. On many occasions they can be intolerant and if on some occasions they are tolerant that is because they are too weak to oppose or too indifferent to oppose. This indifference of the Hindus has become so much a part of their nature that a Hindu will quite meekly tolerate an insult as well as a wrong. You see amongst them, to use the words of Morris, 8221 The great reading down the little, the strong beating down the weak, cruel men fearing not, kind men daring not and wise men caring not.8221 With the Hindu Gods all forbearing, it is not difficult to imagine the pitiable condition of the wronged and the oppressed among the Hindus. Indifferentism is the worst kind of disease that can infect a people. Why is the Hindu so indifferent In my opinion this indifferentism is the result of Caste System which has made Sanghatan and co-operation even for a good cause impossible. The assertion by the individual of his own opinions and beliefs, his own independence and interest as over against group standards, group authority and group interests is the beginning of all reform. But whether the reform will continue depends upon what scope the group affords for such individual assertion. If the group is tolerant and fair-minded in dealing with such individuals they will continue to assert and in the end succeed in converting their fellows. On the other hand if the group is intolerant and does not bother about the means it adopts to stifle such individuals they will perish and the reform will die out. Now a caste has an unquestioned right to excommunicate any man who is guilty of breaking the rules of the caste and when it is realized that excommunication involves a complete cesser of social intercourse it will be agreed that as a form of punishment there is really little to choose between excommunication and death. No wonder individual Hindus have not had the courage to assert their independence by breaking the barriers of caste. It is true that man cannot get on with his fellows. But it is also true that he cannot do without them. He would like to have the society of his fellows on his terms. If be cannot get it on his terms then he will be ready to have it on any terms even amounting to complete surrender. This is because he cannot do without society. A caste is ever ready to take advantage of the helplessness of a man and insist upon complete conformity to its code in letter and in spirit. A caste can easily organize itself into a conspiracy to make the life of a reformer a hell and if a conspiracy is a crime I do not understand why such a nefarious act as an attempt to excommunicate a person for daring to act contrary to the rules of caste should not be made an offence punishable in law. But as it is, even law gives each caste an autonomy to regulate its membership and punish dissenters with excommunication. Caste in the hands of the orthodox has been a powerful weapon for persecuting the reforms and for killing all reform. The effect of caste on the ethics of the Hindus is simply deplorable. Caste has killed public spirit. Caste has destroyed the sense of public charity. Caste has made public opinion impossible. A Hindu8217s public is his caste. His responsibility is only to his caste. His loyalty is restricted only to his caste. Virtue has become caste-ridden and morality has become, caste-bound. There is no sympathy to the deserving. There is no appreciation of the meritorious. There is no charity to the needy. Suffering as such calls for no response. There is charity but it begins with the caste and ends with the caste. There is sympathy but not for men of other caste. Would a Hindu acknowledge and follow the leadership of a great and good man The case of a Mahatma apart, the answer must be that he will follow a leader if he is a man of his caste. A Brahmin will follow a leader only if he is a Brahmin, a Kayastha if he is a Kayastha and so on. The capacity to appreciate merits in a man apart from his caste does not exist in a Hindu. There is appreciation of virtue but only when the man is a fellow caste-man. The whole morality is as bad as tribal morality. My caste-man, right or wrong my caste-man, good or bad. It is not a case of standing by virtue and not standing by vice. It is a case of standing or not standing by the caste. Have not Hindus committed treason against their country in the interests of their caste I would not be surprised if some of you have grown weary listening to this tiresome tale of the sad effects which caste has produced. There is nothing new in it. I will therefore turn to the constructive side of the problem. What is your ideal society if you do not want caste is a question that is bound to be asked of you. If you ask me, my ideal would be a society based on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. And why not. What objection can there be to Fraternity. I cannot imagine any. An ideal society should be mobile, should be full of channels for conveying a change taking place in one part to other parts. In an ideal society there should be many interests consciously communicated and shared. There should be varied and free points of contact with other modes of association. In other words there must be social endosmosis. This is fraternity, which is only another name for democracy. Democracy is not merely a form of Government. It is primarily a mode of associated living, of conjoint communicated experience. It is essentially an attitude of respect and reverence towards fellowmen. Any objection to Liberty. Few object to liberty in the sense of a right to free movement, in the sense of a right to life and limb. There is no objection to liberty in the sense of a right to property, tools and materials as being necessary for earning a living to keep the body in due state of health. Why not allow liberty to benefit by an effective and competent use of a person8217s powers. The supporters of caste who would allow liberty in the sense of a right to life, limb and property, would not readily consent to liberty in this sense, inasmuch as it involves liberty to choose one8217s profession. But to object to this kind of liberty is to perpetuate slavery. For slavery does not merely mean a legalized form of subjection. It means a state of society in which some men are forced to accept from other the purposes which control their conduct. This condition obtains even where there is no slavery in the legal sense. It is found where, as in the Caste System, some persons are compelled to carry on certain prescribed callings which are not of their choice. Any objection to equality. This has obviously been the most contentious part of the slogan of the French Revolution. The objections to equality may be sound and one may have to admit that all men are not equal. But what of that. Equality may be a fiction but nonetheless one must accept it as the governing principle. A. man8217s power is dependent upon (1) physical heredity, (2) social inheritance or endowment in the form of parental care, education, accumulation of scientific knowledge, everything which enables him to be more efficient than the savage, and finally, (3) on his own efforts. In all these three respects men are undoubtedly unequal. But the question is, shall we treat them as unequal because they are unequal. This is a question which the opponents of equality must answer. From the standpoint of the individualist it may be just to treat men unequally so far as their efforts are unequal. It may be desirable to give as much incentive as possible to the full development of every one8217s powers. But what would happen if men were treated unequally as they are, in But there is a set of reformers who hold out a different ideal. They go by the name of the Arya Samajists and their ideal of social organization is what is called Chaturvarnya or the division of society into four classes instead of the four thousand castes that we have in India. To make it more attractive and to disarm opposition the protagonists of Chaturvarnya take great care to point out that their Chaturvarnya is based not on birth but on guna (worth). At the outset, I must confess that notwithstanding the worth-basis of this Chaturvarnya, it is an ideal to which I cannot reconcile myself. In the first place, if under the Chaturvarnya of the Arya Samajists an individual is to take his place in the Hindu Society according to his worth. I do not understand why the Arya Samajists insist upon labelling men as Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra. A learned man would be honoured without his being labelled a Brahmin. A soldier would be respected without his being designated a Kshatriya. If European society honours its soldiers and its servants without giving them permanent labels, why should Hindu Society find it difficult to do so is a question, which Arya Samajists have not cared to consider. There is another objection to the continuance of these labels. All reform consists in a change in the notions, sentiment and mental attitudes of the people towards men and things. It is common experience that certain names become associated with certain notions and sentiments, which determine a person8217s attitude towards men and things. The names, Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra, are names which are associated with a definite and fixed notion in the mind of every Hindu. That notion is that of a hierarchy based on birth. So long as these names continue, Hindus will continue to think of the Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra as hierarchical divisions of high and low, based on birth, and act accordingly. The Hindu must be made to unlearn all this. But how can this happen if the old labels remain and continue to recall to his mind old notions. If new notions are to be inculcated in the minds of people it is necessary to give them new names. To continue the old name is to make the reform futile. To allow this Chaturvarnya, based on worth to be designated by such stinking labels of Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra, indicative of social divisions based on birth, is a snare. To me this Chaturvarnya with its old labels is utterly repellent and my whole being rebels against it. But I do not wish to rest my objection to Chaturvarnya on mere grounds of sentiments. There are more solid grounds on which I rely for my opposition to it. A close examination of this ideal has convinced me that as a system of social organization, Chaturvarnya is impracticable, harmful and has turned out to be a miserable failure. From a practical point of view, the system of Chaturvarnya raises several difficulties which its protagonists do not seem to have taken into account. The principle underlying caste is fundamentally different from the principle underlying Varna. Not only are they fundamentally different but they are also fundamentally opposed. The former is based on worth. How are you going to compel people who have acquired a higher status based on birth without reference to their worth to vacate that status. How are you going to compel people to recognize the status due to a man in accordance with his worth, who is occupying a lower status based on his birth. For this you must first break up the caste System, in order to be able to establish the Varna system. How are you going to reduce the four thousand castes, based oil birth, to the four Varnas, based on worth. This is the first difficulty which the protagonists of the Chaturvarnya must grapple with. There is a second difficulty which the protagonists of Chaturvarnya must grapple with, if they wish to make the establishment of Chaturvarnya a success. Chaturvarnya pre-supposes that you can classify people into four definite classes. Is this possible. In this respect, the ideal of Chaturvarnya has, as you will see, a close affinity to the Platonic ideal. To Plato, men fell by nature into three classes. In some individuals, he believed mere appetites dominated. He assigned them to the labouring and trading classes. Others revealed to him that over and above appetites, they have a courageous disposition. He classed them as defenders in war and guardians of internal peace. Others showed a capacity to grasp the universal reason underlying things. He made them the law-givers of the people. The criticism to which Plato8217s Republic is subject, is also the criticism which must apply to the system of Chaturvarnya, in so far as it proceeds upon the possibility of an accurate classification of men into four distinct classes. The chief criticism against Plato is that his idea of lumping of individuals into a few sharply marked-off classes is a very superficial view of man and his powers. Plato had no perception of the uniqueness of every individual, of his incommensurability with others, of each individual forming a class of his own. He had no recognition of the infinite diversity of active tendencies and combination of tendencies of which an individual is capable. To him, there were types of faculties or powers in the individual constitution. All this is demonstrably wrong. Modem science has shown that lumping together of individuals into a few sharply marked-off classes is a superficial view of man not worthy of serious consideration. Consequently, the utilization of the qualities of individuals is incompatible with their stratification by classes, since the qualities of individuals are so variable. Chaturvarnya must fail for the very reason for which Plato8217s Republic must fail, namely that it is not possible to pigeon men into holes, according as he belongs to one class or the other. That it is impossible to accurately classify people into four definite classes is proved by the fact that the original four classes have now become four thousand castes. There is a third difficulty in the way of the establishment of the system of Chaturvarnya. How are you going to maintain the system of Chaturvarnya, supposing it was established. One important requirement for the successful working of Chaturvarnya is the maintenance of the penal system which could maintain it by its sanction. The system of Chaturvarnya must perpetually face the problem of the transgressor. Unless there is a penalty attached to the act of transgression, men will not keep to their respective classes. The whole system will break down, being contrary to human nature. Chaturvarnya cannot subsist by its own inherent goodness. It must be enforced by law. That, without penal sanction the ideal of Chaturvarnya cannot be realized, is proved by the story in the Ramayana of Rama killing Shambuka. Some people seem to blame Rama because he wantonly and without reason killed Shambuka. But to blame Rama for killing Shambuka is to misunderstand the whole situation. Ram Raj was a Raj based on Chaturvarnya. As a king, Rama was bound to maintain Chaturvarnya. It was his duty therefore to kill Shambuka, the Shudra, who had transgressed his class and wanted to be a Brahmin. This is the reason why Rama killed Shambuka. But this also shows that penal sanction is necessary for the maintenance of Chaturvarnya. Not only penal sanction is necessary, but penalty of death is necessary. That is why Rama did not inflict on Shambuka a lesser punishment. That is why Manu-Smriti prescribes such heavy sentences as cutting off the tongue or pouring of molten lead in the ears of the Shudra, who recites or hears the Veda. The supporters of Chaturvarnya must give an assurance that they could successfully classify men and they could induce modern society in the twentieth century to reforge the penal sanctions of Manu-Smriti. The protagonists of Chaturvarnya do not seem to have considered what is to happen to women in their system. Are they also to be divided into four classes, Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra Or are they to be allowed to take the status of their husbands. If the status of the woman is to be the consequence of marriage what becomes of the underlying principle of Chaturvarnya, namely, that the status of a person should be based upon the worth of that person. If they are to be classified according to their worth is their classification to be nominal or real. If it is to be nominal then it is useless and then the protagonists of Chaturvarnya must admit that their system does not apply to women. If it is real, are the protagonists of Chaturvarnya prepared to follow the logical consequences of applying it to women. They must be prepared to have women priests and women soldiers. Hindu society has grown accustomed to women teachers and women barristers. It may grow accustomed to women brewers and women butchers. But he would be a bold person, who would say that it will allow women priests and women soldiers. But that will be the logical outcome of applying Chaturvarnya to women. Given these difficulties, I think no one except a congenital idiot could hope and believe in a successful regeneration of the Chaturvarnya. Assuming that Chaturvarnya is practicable, I contend that it is the most vicious system. That the Brahmins should cultivate knowledge, that the Kshatriya should bear arms, that the Vaishya. should trade and that the Shudra should serve sounds as though it was a system of division of labour. Whether the theory was intended to state that the Shudra need not or that whether it was intended to lay down that he must not, is an interesting question. The defenders of Chaturvarnya give it the first meaning. They say, why should the Shudra need trouble to acquire wealth, when the three Vamas are there to support him. Why need the Shudra bother to take to education, when there is the Brahmin to whom he can go when the occasion for reading or writing arises. Why need the Shudra worry to arm himself because there is the Kshatriya to protect him. The theory of Chaturvarnya, understood in this sense, may be said to look upon the Shudra as the ward and the three Vamas as his guardians. Thus interpreted, it is a simple, elevating and alluring theory. Assuming this to be the correct view of the underlying conception of Chaturvarnya, it seems to me that the system is neither fool-proof nor knave-proof. What is to happen, if the Brahmins, Vaishyas and Kshatriyas fail to pursue knowledge, to engage in economic enterprise and to be efficient soldiers which are their respective functions. Contrary-wise, suppose that they discharge their functions but flout their duty to the Shudra or to one another, what is to happen to the Shudra if the three classes refuse to support him on fair terms or combine to keep him down. Who is to safeguard the interests of the Shudra or for the matter of that of the Vaishya and Kshatriya when the person, who is trying to take advantage of his ignorance is the Brahmin Who is to defend the liberty of the Shudra and for the matter of that, of the Brahmin and the Vaishya when the person who is robbing him of it is the Kshatriya. Inter-dependence of one class on another class is inevitable. Even dependence of one class upon another may sometimes become allowable. But why make one person depend upon another in the matter of his vital needs. Education everyone must have. Means of defence everyone must have. These are the paramount requirements of every man for his self-preservation. How can the fact that his neighbour is educated and armed help a man who is uneducated and disarmed. The whole theory is absurd. These are the questions, which the defenders of Chaturvarnya do not seem to be troubled about. But they are very pertinent questions. Assuming their conception of Chaturvarnya that the relationship between the different classes is that of ward and guardian is the real conception underlying Chaturvarnya, it must be admitted that it makes no provision to safeguard the interests of the ward from the misdeeds of the guardian. Whether the relationship of guardian and ward was the real underlying conception, on which Chaturvarnya was based, there is no doubt that in practice the relation was that of master and servants. The three classes, Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas although not very happy in their mutual relationship managed to work by compromise. The Brahmin flattered the Kshatriya and both let the Vaishya live in order to be able to live upon him. But the three agreed to beat down the Shudra. He was not allowed to acquire wealth lest he should be independent of the three Varncus. He was prohibited from acquiring knowledge lest he should keep a steady vigil regarding his interests. He was prohibited from bearing arms lest he should have the means to rebel against their authority. That this is how the Shudras were treated by the Tryavarnikas is evidenced by the Laws of Manu. There is no code of laws more infamous regarding social rights than the Laws of Manu. Any instance from anywhere of social injustice must pale before it. Why have the mass of people tolerated the social evils to which they have been subjected There have been social revolutions in other countries of the world. Why have there not been social revolutions in India is a question which has incessantly troubled me. There is only one answer, which I can give and it is that the lower classes of Hindus have been completely disabled for direct action on account of this wretched system of Chaturvarnya. They could not bear arms and without arms they could not rebel. They were all ploughmen or rather condemned to be ploughmen and they never were allowed to convert their ploughshare into swords. They had no bayonets and therefore everyone who chose could and did sit upon them. On account of the Chaturvarnya, they could receive no education. They could not think out or know the way to their salvation. They were condemned to be lowly and not knowing the way of escape and not having the means of escape, they became reconciled to eternal servitude, which they accepted as their inescapable fate. It is true that even in Europe the strong has not shrunk from the exploitation, nay the spoliation of the weak. But in Europe, the strong have never contrived to make the weak helpless against exploitation so shamelessly as was the case in India among the Hindus. Social war has been raging between the strong and the weak far more violently in Europe than it has ever been in India. Yet, the weak in Europe has had in his freedom of military service his physical weapon, in suffering his political weapon and in education his moral weapon. These three weapons for emancipation were never withheld by the strong from the weak in Europe. All these weapons were, however, denied to the masses in India by Chaturvarnya. There cannot be a more degrading system of social organization than the Chaturvarnya. It is the system which deadens, paralyses and cripples the people from helpful activity. This is no exaggeration. History bears ample evidence. There is only one period in Indian history which is a period of freedom, greatness and glory. That is the period of the Mourya Empire. At all other times the country suffered from defeat and darkness. But the Mourya period was a period when Chaturvarnya was completely annihilated, when the Shudras, who constituted the mass of the people, came into their own and became the rulers of the country. The period of defeat and darkness is the period when Chaturvarnya flourished to the damnation of the greater part of the people of the country. Chaturvarnya is not new. It is as old as the Vedas. That is one of the reasons why we are asked by the Arya Samajists to consider its claims. Judging from the past as a system of social organization, it has been tried and it has failed. How many times have the Brahmins annihilated the seed of the Kshatriyas How many times have the Kshatriyas annihilated the Brahmins The Mahabharata and the Puranas are full of incidents of the strife between the Brahmins and the Kshatriyas. They even quarreled over such petty questions as to who should salute first, as to who should give way first, the Brahmins or the Kshatriyas, when the two met in the street. Not only was the Brahmin an eyesore to die Kshatriya and the Kshatriya an eyesore to the Brahmin, it seems that the Kshatriyas had become tyrannical and the masses, disarmed as they were under the system of Chaturvarnya, were praying Almighty God for relief from their tyranny. The Bhagwat tells us very definitely that Krishna had taken Avtar for one sacred purpose and that was to annihilate the Kshatriyas. With these instances of rivalry and enmity between the different Vurnas before us, I do not understand how any one can hold out Chaturvarnya as an ideal to be aimed at or as a pattern, on which the Hindu Society should be remodelled. I have dealt with those, who are without you and whose hostility to your ideal is quite open. There appear to be others, who are neither without you nor with you. I was hesitating whether I should deal with their point of view. But on further consideration I have come to the conclusion that I must and that for two reasons. Firstly, their attitude to the problem of caste is not merely an attitude of neutrality, but is an attitude of aimed neutrality. Secondly, they probably represent a considerable body of people. Of these, there is one set which finds nothing peculiar nor odious in the Caste System of the Hindus. Such Hindus cite the case of Muslims, Sikhs and Christians and find comfort in the fact that they too have castes amongst them. In considering this question you must a. t the outset bear in mind that nowhere is human society one single whole. It is always plural. In the world of action, the individual is one limit and society the other. Between them lie all sorts of associative arrangements of lesser and larger scope, families, friendship, co-operative associations, business combines, political parties, bands of thieves and robbers. These small groups are usually firmly welded together and are often as exclusive as castes. They have a narrow and intensive code, which is often anti-social. This is true of every society, in Europe as well as in Asia, The question to be asked in determining whether a given society is an ideal society is not whether there are groups in it, because groups exist in all societies. Das. questions to be asked in determining what is an ideal society are. How numerous and varied are the interests which are consciously shared by the groups. How full and free is the interplay with other forms of associations. Are the forces that separate groups and classes more numerous than the forces that unite. What social significance is attached to this group life. Is its exclusiveness a matter of custom and convenience or is it a matter of religion. It is in the light of these questions that one must decide whether caste among Non-Hindus is the same as caste among Hindus. If we apply these considerations to castes among Mohammedans, Sikhs and Christians on the one hand and to castes among Hindus on the other, you will find that caste among Non-Hindus is fundamentally different from caste among Hindus. First, the ties, which consciously make the Hindus hold together, are non-existent, while among Non-Hindus there are many that hold them together. The strength of a society depends upon the presence of points of contact, possibilities of interaction between different groups which exist in it. These are what Carlyle calls 8221 organic filaments 8221 i. e. the elastic threads which help to bring the disintegrating elements together and to reunite them. There is no integrating farce among the Hindus to counteract the disintegration caused by caste. While among the Non-Hindus there are plenty of these organic filaments which bind them together. Again it must be borne in mind that although there are castes among Non-Hindus, as there are among Hindus, caste has not the same social significance for Non-Hindus as it has for Hindus. Ask Mohammedan or a Sikh, who he is He tells you that he is a Mohammedan or a Sikh as the case may be. He does not tell you his caste although he has one and you are satisfied with his answer. When he tells you that he is a Muslim, you do not proceed to ask him whether he is a Shiya or a Suni Sheikh or Saiyad Khatik or Pinjari. When he tells you he is a Sikh, you do not ask him whether he is Jat or Roda Mazbi or Ramdasi. But you are not satisfied, if a person tells you that he is a Hindu. You feel bound to inquire into his caste. Warum. Because so essential is caste in the case of a Hindu that without knowing it you do not feel sure what sort of a being he is. That caste has not the same social significance among Non-Hindus as it has among Hindus is clear if you take into consideration the consequences which follow breach of caste. There may be castes among Sikhs and Mohammedans but the Sikhs and the Mohammedans will not outcast a Sikh or a Mohammedan if he broke his caste. Indeed, the very idea of excommunication is foreign to the Sikhs and the Mohammedans. But with the Hindus the case is entirely different. He is sure to be outcasted if he broke caste. This shows the difference in the social significance of caste to Hindus and Non-Hindus. This is the second point of difference. But there is also a third and a more important one. Caste among the non-Hindus has no religious consecration but among the Hindus most decidedly it has. Among the Non-Hindus, caste is only a practice, not a sacred institution. They did not originate it. With them it is only a survival. They do not regard caste as a religious dogma. Religion compels the Hindus to treat isolation and segregation of castes as a virtue. Religion does not compel the Non-Hindus to take the same attitude towards caste. If Hindus wish to break caste, their religion will come in their way. But it will not be so in the case of Non-Hindus. It is, therefore, a dangerous delusion to take comfort in the mere existence of caste among Non-Hindus, without caring to know what place caste occupies in their life and whether there are other 8221 organic filaments 8220, which subordinate the feeling of caste to the feeling of community. The sooner the Hindus are cured of this delusion the butter. The other set denies that caste presents any problem at all for the. Hindus to consider. Such Hindus seek comfort in the view that the Hindus have survived and take this as a proof of their fitness to survive. This point of view is well expressed by Prof. S. Radhakrishnan in his Hindu view of life. Referring to Hinduism he says, 8221 The civilization itself has not, been a short-lived one. its historic records date back for over four thousand years and even then it had reached a stage of civilization which has continued its unbroken, though at times slow and static, course until the present day. It has stood the stress and strain of more than four or five millenniums of spiritual thought and experience. Though peoples of different races and cultures have been pouring into India from the dawn of History, Hinduism has been able to maintain its supremacy and even the proselytising creeds backed by political power have not been able to coerce the large majority of Hindus to their views. The Hindu culture possesses some vitality which seems to be denied to some other more forceful current. It is no more necessary to dissect Hinduism than to open a tree to see whether the sap still runs.8221 The name of Prof. Radhakrishnan is big enough to invest with profundity whatever he says and impress the minds of his readers. But I must not hesitate to speak out my mind. For, I fear that his statement may become the basis of a vicious argument that the fact of survival is proof of fitness to survive. It seems to me that the question is. not whether a community lives or dies the question is on what plane does it live. There are different modes of survival. But all are not equally honourable. For an individual as well as for a society, there is a gulf between merely living and living worthily. To fight in a battle and to live in glory is one mode. To beat a retreat, to surrender and to live the life of a captive is. also a mode of survival. It is useless for a Hindu to take comfort in the fact that he and his people have survived. What he must consider is what is the quality of their survival. If he does that, I am sure he will cease to take pride in the mere fact of survival. A Hindu8217s life has been a life of continuous defeat and what appears to him to be life everlasting is not living everlastingly but is really a life which is perishing everlastingly. It is a mode of survival of which every right-minded Hindu, who is not afraid to own up the truth, will feel ashamed. There is no doubt in my opinion, that unless you change your social order you can achieve little by way of progress. You cannot mobilize the community either for defence or for offence. You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannot build up a nation, you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you will build on the foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole. The only question that remains to be considered isHow to bring about the reform of the Hindu social order. How to abolish caste. This is a question of supreme importance. There is a view that in the refarm of caste, the first step to take, is to abolish sub-castes. This view is based upon the supposition that there is a greater similarity in manners and status between sub-caste than there is between castes. I think, this is an erroneous supposition. The Brahmins of Northem and Central India are socially of lower grade, as compared with the Brahmins of the Deccan and Southern India. The former are only cooks and water-carriers while the latter occupy a high social position. On the other hand, in Northern India, the Vaishyas and Kayasthas are intellectually and socially on a par with the Brahmins of the Deccan and Southern India. Again, in the matter of food there is no similarity between the Brahmins of the Deccan and Southern India, who are vegetarians and the Brahmins of Kashmir and Bengal who are non-vegetarians. On the other hand, the Brahmins of the - Deccan and Southern India have more in common so far as food is concerned with such non-Brahmins as the Gujaratis, Marwaris, Banias and Jains. There is no doubt that from the standpoint of making the transit from one caste to another easy, the fusion of the Kayasthas of Northern India and the other Non-Brahmins of Southern India with the Non-Brahmins of the Deccan and the Dravid country is more practicable than the fusion of the Brahmins of the South with the Brahmins of the North. But assuming that the fusion of sub-Castes is possible, what guarantee is there that the abolition of sub-Castes will necessarily lead to the abolition of Castes. On the contrary, it may happen that the process may stop with the abolition of sub-Castes. In that case, the abolition of sub-Castes will only help to strengthen the Castes and make them more powerful and therefore more mischievous. This remedy is therefore neither practicable nor effective and may easily prove to be a wrong remedy. Another plan of action for the abolition of Caste is to begin with inter-caste dinners. This also, in my opinion, is an inadequate remedy. There are many Castes which allow inter-dining. But it is a common experience that inter-dining has not succeeded in killing the spirit of Caste and the consciousness of Caste. I am convinced that the real remedy is inter-marriage. Fusion of blood can alone create the feeling of being kith and kin and unless this feeling of kinship, of being kindred, becomes paramount the separatist feelingthe feeling of being alienscreated by Caste will not vanish. Among the Hindus inter-marriage must necessarily be a factor of greater force in social life than it need be in the life of the non-Hindus. Where society is already well-knit by other ties, marriage is an ordinary incident of life. But where society cut asunder, marriage as a binding force becomes a matter of urgent necessity. The real remedy for breaking Caste is inter-marriage. Nothing else will serve as the solvent of Caste. Your Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal has adopted this line of attack. It is a direct and frontal attack, and I congratulate you upon a collect diagnosis and more upon your having shown the courage to tell the Hindus what is really wrong with them. Political tyranny is nothing compared to social tyranny and a reformer, who defies society, is a much more courageous man than a politician, who defies Government. You are right in holding that Caste will cease to be an operative farce only when inter-dining and inter-marriage have become matters of common course. You have located the source of the disease. But is your prescription the right prescription for the disease. Ask yourselves this question Why is it that a large majority of Hindus do not inter-dine and do not inter-marry. Why is it that your cause is not popular. There can be only one answer to this question and it is that inter-dining and inter-marriage are repugnant to the beliefs and dogmas which the Hindus regard as sacred. Caste is not a physical object like a wall of bricks or a line of barbed wire which prevents the Hindus from co-mingling and which has, therefore, to be pulled down. Caste is a notion, it is a state of the mind. The destruction of Caste does not therefore mean the destruction of a physical barrier. It means a notional change. Caste may be bad. Caste may lead to conduct so gross as to be called man8217s inhumanity to man. All the same, it must be recognized that the Hindus observe Caste not because they are inhuman or wrong headed. They observe Caste because they are deeply religious. People are not wrong in observing Caste. In my view, what is wrong is their religion, which has inculcated this notion of Caste. If this is correct, then obviously the enemy, you must grapple with, is not the people who observe Caste, but the Shastras which teach them this religion of Caste. Criticising and ridiculing people for not inter-dining or inter-marrying or occasionally holding inter-caste dinners and celebrating inter-caste marriages, is a futile method of achieving the desired end. The real remedy is to destroy the belief in the sanctity of the Shastras. How do you expect to succeed, if you allow the Shastras to continue to mould the beliefs and opinions of the people. Not to question the authority of the Shastras. to permit the people to believe in their sanctity and their sanctions and to blame them and to criticise them for their acts as being irrational and inhuman is a incongruous way of carrying on social reform. Reformers working for the removal of untouchability including Mahatma Gandhi, do not seem to realize that the acts of the people are merely the results of their beliefs inculcated upon their minds by the Shastras and that people will not change their conduct until they cease to believe in the sanctity of the Shastras on which their conduct is founded. No wonder that such efforts have not produced any results. You also seem to be erring in the same way as the reformers working in the cause of removing untouchability. To agitate for and to organise inter-caste dinners and inter-caste marriages is like forced feeding brought about by artificial means. Make every man and woman free from the thraldom of the Shastras. cleanse their minds of the pernicious notions founded on the Shastras, and he or she will inter-dine and inter-marry, without your telling him or her to do so. It is no use seeking refuge in quibbles. It is no use telling people that the Shastras do not say what they are believed to say, grammatically read or logically interpreted. What matters is how the Shastras have been understood by the people. You must take the stand that Buddha took. You must take the stand which Guru Nanak took. You must not only discard the Shastras, you must deny their authority, as did Buddha and Nanak. You must have courage to tell the Hindus, that what is wrong with them is their religion the religion which has produced in them this notion of the sacredness of Caste. Will you show that courage What are your chances of success. Social reforms fall into different species. There is a species of reform, which does not relate to the religious notion of people but is purely secular in character. There is also a species of reform, which relates to the religious notions of people. Of such a species of reform, there are two varieties. In one, the reform accords with the principles of the religion and merely invites people, who have departed from it, to revert to them and to follow them. The second is a reform which not only touches the religious principles but is diametrically opposed to those principles and invites people to depart from and to discard their authority and to act contrary to those principles. Caste is the natural outcome of certain religious beliefs which have the sanction of the Shastras, which are believed to contain the command of divinely inspired sages who were endowed with a supernatural wisdom and whose commands, therefore, cannot be disobeyed without committing sin. The destruction of Caste is a reform which falls under the third category. To ask people to give up Caste is to ask them to go contrary to their fundamental religious notions. It is obvious that the first and second species of reform are easy. But the third is a stupendous task, well nigh impossible. The Hindus hold to the sacredness of the social order. Caste has a divine basis. You must therefore destroy the sacredness and divinity with which Caste has become invested. In the last analysis, this means you must destroy the authority of the Shastras and the Vedas. I have emphasized this question of the ways and means of destroying Caste, because I think that knowing the proper ways and means is more important than knowing the ideal. If you do not know the real ways and means, all your shots are sure to be misfires. If my analysis is correct then your task is herculean. You alone can say whether you are capable of achieving it. Speaking for myself, I see the task to be well nigh impossible. Perhaps you would like to know why I think so. Out of the many reasons, which have led me to take this view, I will mention some, which I regard much important. One of these reasons is the attitude of hostility, which the Brahmins have shown towards this question. The Brahmins form the vanguard of the movement for political reform and in some cases also of economic reform. But they are not to be found even as camp followers in the army raised to break down the barricades of Caste. Is there any hope of the Brahmins ever taking up a lead in the future in this matter I say no. You may ask why. You may argue that there is no reason why Brahmins should continue to shun social reform. You may argue that the Brahmins know that the bane of Hindu Society is Caste and as an enlightened class could not be expected to be indifferent to its consequences. You may argue that there are secular Brahmins and priestly Brahmins and if the latter do not take up the cudgels on behalf of those who want to break Caste, the former will. All this of course sounds very plausible. But in all this it is forgotten that the break up of the Caste system is bound to affect adversely the Brahmin Caste. Having regard to this, is it reasonable to expect that the Brahmins will ever consent to lead a movement the ultimate result of which is to destroy the power and prestige of the Brahmin Caste. Is it reasonable to expect the secular Brahmins to take part in a movement directed against the priestly Brahmins. In my judgment, it is useless to make a distinction between the secular Brahmins and priestly Brahmins. Both are kith and kin. They are two arms of the same body and one bound to fight for the existence of the other. In this connection, I am reminded of some very pregnant remarks made by Prof. Dicey in his English Constitution. Speaking of the actual limitation on the legislative supremacy of Parliament, Dicey says. 8221 The actual exercise of authority by any sovereign whatever, and notably by Parliament, is bounded or controlled by two limitations. Of these the one is an external, and the other is an internal limitation. The external limit to the real power of a sovereign consists in the possibility or certainty that his subjects or a large number of them will disobey or resist his laws. The internal limit to the exercise of sovereignty arises from the nature of the sovereign power itself. Even a despot exercises his powers in accordance with his character, which is itself moulded by the circumstance under which he lives, including under that head the moral feelings of the time and the society to which he belongs. The Sultan could not, if he would, change the religion of the Mohammedan world, but even if he could do so, it is in the very highest degree improbable that the head of Mohammedanism should wish to overthrow the religion of Mohammed the internal check on the exercise of the Sultan8217s power is at least as strong as the external limitation. People sometimes ask the idle question, why the Pope does not introduce this or that reform The true answer is that a revolutionist is not the kind of man who becomes a Pope and that a man who becomes a Pope has no wish to be a revolutionist.8221 I think, these remarks apply equally to the Brahmins of India and one can say with equal truth that if a man who becomes a Pope has no wish to become a revolutionary, a man who is born a Brahmin has much less desire to become a revolutionary. Indeed, to expect a Brahmin to be a revolutionary in matters of social reform is as idle as to expect the British Parliament, as was said by Leslie Stephen, to pass an Act requiring all blue-eyed babies to be murdered. Some of you will say that it is a matter of small concern whether the Brahmins come forward to lead the movement against Caste or whether they do not. To take this view is in my judgment to ignore the part played by the intellectual class in the community. Whether you accept the theory of the great man as the maker of history or whether you do not, this much you will have to concede that in every country the intellectual class is the most influential class, if not the governing class. The intellectual class is the class which can foresee, it is the class which can advise and give lead. In no country does the mass of the people live the life of intelligent thought and action. It is largely imitative and follows the intellectual class. There is no exaggeration in saying that the entire destiny of a country depends upon its intellectual class. If the intellectual class is honest, independent and disinterested it can be trusted to take the initiative and give a proper lead when a crisis arises. It is true that intellect by itself is no virtue. It is only a means and the use of means depends upon the ends which an intellectual person pursues. An intellectual man can be a good man but he can easily be a rogue. Similarly an intellectual class may be a band of high-souled persons, ready to help, ready to emancipate erring humanity or it may easily be a gang of crooks or a body of advocates of a narrow clique from which it draws its support. You may think it a pity that the intellectual class in India is simply another name for the Brahmin caste. You may regret that the two are one. that the existence of the intellectual class should be bound with one single caste, that this intellectual class should share the interest and the aspirations of that Brahmin caste, which has regarded itself the custodian of the interest of that caste, rather than of the interests of the country. All this may be very regrettable. But the fact remains, that the Brahmins form the intellectual class of the Hindus. It is not only an intellectual class but it is a class which is held in great reverence by the rest of the Hindus. The Hindus are taught that the Brahmins are Bhudevas (Gods on earth) vernanam brahmnam guruh. The Hindus are taught that Brahmins alone can be their teachers. Manu says, 8220If it be asked how it should be with respect to points of the Dharma which have not been specially mentioned, the answer is that which Brahmins who are Shishthas propound shall doubtless have legal force.8221 : anamnateshu dharmehu katham syaditi chedbhveta yam shishta brahnam bruyuh sa dharmah syadashnkitah. When such an intellectual class, which holds the rest of the community in its grip, is opposed to the reform of Caste, the chances of success in a movement for the break-up of the Caste system appear to me very, very remote. The second reason, why I say the task is impossible, will be clear if you will bear in mind that the Caste system has two aspects. In one of its aspects, it divides men into separate communities. In its second aspect, it places these communities in a graded order one above the other in social status. Each caste takes its pride and its consolation in the fact that in the scale of castes it is above some other caste. As an outward mark of this gradation, there is also a gradation of social and religious rights technically spoken of an Ashta-dhikaras and Sanskaras. The higher the grade of a caste, the greater the number of these rights and the lower the grade, the lesser their number. Now this gradation, this scaling of castes, makes it impossible to organise a common front against the Caste System. If a caste claims the right to inter-dine and inter-marry with another caste placed above it, it is frozen, instantly it is told by mischief-mongers, and there are many Brahmins amongst such mischief-mongers, that it will have to concede inter-dining and inter-marriage with castes below it. All are slaves of the Caste System. But all the slaves are not equal in status. To excite the proletariat to bring about an economic revolution, Karl Marx told them. 8221 You have nothing to lose except your chains.8221 But the artful way in which the social and religious rights are distributed among the different castes whereby some have more and some have less, makes the slogan of Karl Marx quite useless to excite the Hindus against the Caste System. Castes form a graded system of sovereignties, high and low, which are jealous of their status and which know that if a general dissolution came, some of them stand to lose more of their prestige and power than others do. You cannot, therefore, have a general mobilization of the Hindus, to use a military expression, for an attack on the Caste System. Can you appeal to reason and ask the Hindus to discard Caste as being contrary to reason. That raises the question. Is a Hindu free to follow his reason Manu has laid down three sanctions to which every Hindu must conform in the matter of his behaviour vedah smritih sadacharah uvasy cha priyamatmanah Here there is no place for reason to play its part. A Hindu must follow either Veda, Smriti or Sadachar. He cannot follow anything else. In the first place how are the texts of the Vedas and Smritis to be interpreted whenever any doubt arises regarding their meaning. On this important question the view of Manu is quite definite. He says : yovamanyet te moole hetushrashraya dwizah sa sadhubhirbahishkaryo nashtiko vedandikah According to this rule, rationalism as a canon of interpreting the Vedas and Smritis, is absolutely condemned. It is regarded to be as wicked as atheism and the punishment provided for it is ex-communication. Thus, where a matter is covered by the Veda or the Smriti, a Hindu cannot resort to rational thinking. Even when there is a conflict between Vedas and Smritis on matters on which they have given a positive injunction, the solution is not left to reason. When there is a conflict between two Shrutis, both are to be regarded as of equal authority. Either of them may be followed. No attempt is to be made to find out which of the two accords with reason. This is made clear by Manu: shrutidwadham tu yatra syaptatra dharvarvudhau smritau 8220When there is a conflict between Shruti and Sinriti. the Shruti must prevail.8221 But here too, no attempt must be made to find out which of the two accords with reason. This is laid down by Manu in the following Shloka : ya vedabahyah snrityo yashch kashch kridrishtah i sarvasta nishphalah prety tamonishtha hi tah smritah ii Again, when there is a conflict between two Smritis, the Manu-Smriti must prevail, but no attempt is to be made to find out which of the two accords with reason. This is the ruling given by Brihaspati: vedayatvopanibandhritavat pramanyam hi manoah smritah manvrthaviparita tu ya smritih sa na shashyate It is, therefore, clear that in any matter on which the Shrutis and Smritis have given a positive direction, a Hindu is not free to use his reasoning faculty. The same rule is laid down in the Mahabharat : puranam manvo dharmah sango vedashchikitsitam agasidhani chatvari na hantavyani hetubhih He must abide by their directions. The Caste and Varna are matters, which are dealt with by the Vedas and the Smritis and consequently, appeal to reason can have no effect on a Hindu. So far as Caste and Varna are concerned, not only the Shastras do not permit the Hindu to use his reason in the decision of the question, but they have taken care to see that no occasion is left to examine in a rational way the foundations of his belief in Caste and Varna. It must be a source of silent amusement to many a Non-Hindu to find hundreds and thousands of Hindus breaking Caste on certain occasions, such as railway journey and foreign travel and yet endeavouring to maintain Caste for the rest of their lives. The explanation of this phenomenon discloses another fetter on the reasoning faculties of the Hindus. Man8217s life is generally habitual and unreflective. Reflective thought, in the sense of active, persistent and careful consideration of any belief or supposed form or knowledge in the light of the grounds that support it and further conclusions to which it tends, is quite rare and arises only in a situation which presents a dilemmaa Crisis-Railway journeys and foreign travels are really occasions of crisis in the life of a Hindu and it is natural to expect a Hindu to ask himself why he should maintain Caste at all, if he cannot maintain it at all times. But he does not. He breaks Caste at one step and proceeds to observe it at the next without raising any question. The reason for this astonishing conduct is to be found in the rule of the Shastras, which directs him to maintain Caste as far as possible and to undergo praynschitia when he cannot. By this theory of prayaschitta. the Shastras by following a spirit of compromise have given caste a perpetual lease of life and have smothered reflective thought which would have otherwise led to the destruction of the notion of Caste. There have been many who have worked in the cause of the abolition of Caste and Untouchability. Of those, who can be mentioned, Ramanuja, Kabir and others stand out prominently. Can you appeal to the acts of these reformers and exhort the Hindus to follow them. It is true that Manu has included Sadachar (sadachar) as one of the sanctions along with Shruti and Smriti. Indeed, Sadachar has been given a higher place than Shastras : yaddwacharyate yen dharmya vadharmamev va deshasyacharanam nityam charitram tadwikirtatam according to this, sadachar, whether, it is dharmya or adharmya in accordance with Shastras or contrary to Shastras, must be followed. But what is the meaning of Sadachar. If any one were to suppose that Sadachar means right or good acts i. e. acts of good and righteous men he would find himself greatly mistaken. Sadachar does not means good acts or acts of good men. It means ancient custom good or bad. The following verse makes this clear : yasmin deshe ya acharah parmpayakramagatah varnani kil sarvesham sa sadachar uchyate As though to warn people against the view that Sadachar means good acts or acts of good men and fearing that people might understand it that way and follow the acts of good men, the Smrities have commanded the Hindus in unmistakable terms not to follow even Gods in their good deeds, if they are contrary to Shruti, Smrili and Sadachar. This may sound to be most extraordinary, most perverse, but the. fact remains that na devacharitam charet is an injunction, issued to the Hindus by their Shastras. Reason and morality are the two most powerful weapons in the armoury of a Reformer. To deprive him of the use of these weapons is to disable him for action. How are you going to break up Caste, if people are not free to consider whether it accords with reason. How are you going to break up Caste if people are not free to consider whether it accords with morality. The wall built around Caste is impregnable and the material, of which it is built, contains none of the combustible stuff of reason and morality. Add to this the fact that inside this wall stands the army of Brahmins, who form the intellectual class, Brahmins who are the natural leaders of the Hindus, Brahmins who are there not as mere mercenary soldiers but as an army fighting for its homeland and you will get an idea why I think that breaking-up of Caste amongst the Hindus is well-nigh impossible. At any rate, it would take ages before a breach is made. But whether the doing of the deed takes time or whether it can be done quickly, you must not forget that if you wish to bring about amp breach in the system then you have got to apply the dynamite to the Vedas and the Shastras, which deny any part to reason, to Vedas and Shastras, which deny any part to morality. You must destroy the Religion of the Shrutis and the Smritis. Nothing else will avail. This is my considered view of the matter. Some may not understand what I mean by destruction of Religion some may find the idea revolting to them and some may find it revolutionary. Let me therefore explain my position. I do not know whether you draw a distinction between principles and rules. But I do. Not only I make a distinction but I say that this distinction is real and important. Rules are practical they are habitual ways of doing things according to prescription. But principles are intellectual they are useful methods of judging things. Rules seek to tell an agent just what course of action to pursue. Principles do not prescribe a specific course of action. Rules, like cooking recipes, do tell just what to do and how to do it. A prinsiple, such as that of justice, supplies a main head by reference to which he is to consider the bearings of his desires and purposes, it guides him in his thinking by suggesting to him the important consideration which he should bear in mind. This difference between rules and principles makes the acts done in pursuit of them different in quality and in content. Doing what is said to be, good by virtue of a rule and doing good in the light of a principle are two different things. The principle may be wrong but the act is conscious and responsible. The rule may be right but the act is mechanical. A religious act may not be a correct act but must at least be a responsible act. To permit of this responsibility, Religion must mainly be a matter of principles only. It cannot be a matter of rules. The moment it degenerates into rules it ceases to be Religion, as it kills responsibility which is the essence of a truly religious act. What is this Hindu Religion. Is it a set of principles or is it a code of rules. Now the Hindu Religion, as contained in the Vedas and the Smritis, is nothing but a mass of sacrificial, social, political and sanitary rules and regulations, all mixed up. What is called Religion by the Hindus is nothing but a multitude of commands and prohibitions. Religion, in the sense of spiritual principles, truly universal, applicable to all races, to all countries, to all times, is not to be found in them, and if it is, it does not form the governing part of a Hindu8217s life. That for a Hindu, Dharma means commands and prohibitions is clear from the way the word Dharma is used in Vedas and the Sinritis and understood by the commentators. The word Dharma as used in the Vedas in most cases means religious ordinances or rites. Even Jaimini in his Purva-Mimansa defines Dharma as 8220a desirable goal or result that is indicated by injunctive (Vedic) passages 8220. To put it in plain language, what the Hindus call Religion is really Law or at best legalized class-ethics. Frankly, I refuse to cull this code of ordinances, as Religion. The first evil of such a code of ordinances, misrepresented to the people as Religion, is that it tends to deprive moral life of freedom and spontaneity and to reduce it (for the conscientious at any rate) to a more or less anxious and servile conformity to externally imposed rules. Under it, there is no loyalty to ideals, there is only conformity to commands. But the worst evil of this code of ordinances is that the laws it contains must be the same yesterday, today and forever. They are iniquitous in that they are not the same for one class as for another. But this iniquity is made perpetual in that they are prescribed to be the same for all generations. The objectionable part of such a scheme is not that they are made by certain persons called Prophets or Law-givers. The objectionable part is that this code has been invested with the character of finality and fixity. Happiness notoriously varies with the conditions and circumstances of a person, as well as with the conditions of different people and epochs. That being the case, how can humanity endure this code of eternal laws, without being cramped and without being crippled. I have, therefore, no hesitation in saying that such a religion must be destroyed and I say, there is nothing irreligious in working for the destruction of such a religion. Indeed I hold that it is your bounden duty to tear the mask, to remove the misrepresentation that as caused by misnaming this Law as Religion. This is an essential step for you. Once you clear the minds of the people of this misconception and enable them to realize that what they are told as Religion is not Religion but that it is really Law, you will be in a position to urge for its amendment or abolition. So long as people look upon it as Religion they will not be ready for a change, because the idea of Religion is generally speaking not associated with the idea of change. But the idea of law is associated with the idea of change and when people come to know that what is called Religion is really Law, old and archaic, they will be ready for a change, for people know and accept that law can be changed. While I condemn a Religion of Rules, I must not be understood to hold the opinion that there is no necessity for a religion. On the contrary, I agree with Burke when he says that, 8221 True religion is the foundation of society, the basis on which all true Civil Government rests, and both their sanction.8221 Consequently, when I urge that these ancient rules of life be annulled, I am anxious that its place shall be taken by a Religion of Principles, which alone can lay claim to being a true Religion. Indeed, I am so convinced of the necessity of Religion that I feel I ought to tell you in outline what I regard as necessary items in this religious reform. The following in my opinion should be the cardinal items in this reform. ( 1 ) There should be one and only one standard book of Hindu Religion, acceptable to all Hindus and recognized by all Hindus. This of course means that all other books of Hindu religion such as Vedas, Shastras and Puranas, which are treated as sacred and authoritative, must by law cease to be so and the preaching of any doctrine, religious or social contained in these books should be penalized. (2) It should be better if priesthood among Hindus was abolished. But as this seems to be impossible, the priesthood must at least cease to be hereditary. Every person who professes to be a Hindu must be eligible for being a priest. It should be provided by law that no Hindu shall be entitled to be a priest unless he has passed an examination prescribed by the State and holds a sanad from the State permitting him to practise. (3) No ceremony performed by a priest who does not hold a sanad shall be deemed to be valid in law and it should be made penal for a person who has no sanad to officiate as a priest. (4) A priest should be the servant of the State and should be subject to the disciplinary action by the State in the matter of his morals, beliefs and worship, in addition to his being subject along with other citizens to the ordinary law of the land. (5) The number of priests should be limited by law according to the requirements of the State as is done in the case of the I. C.S. To some, this may sound radical. But to my mind there is nothing revolutionary in this. Every profession in India is regulated. Engineers must show proficiency, Doctor must show proficiency, Lawyers must show proficiency, before they are allowed to practise their professions. During the whole of their career, they must not only obey the law of the land, civil as well as criminal, but they must also obey the special code of morals prescribed by their respective professions. The priest8217s is the only profession where proficiency is not required. The profession of a Hindu priest is the only profession which is not subject to any code. Mentally a priest may be an idiot, physically a priest may be suffering from a foul disease, such as syphilis or gonorrheae, morally he may be a wreck. But he is fit to officiate at solemn ceremonies, to enter the sanctum sanctorum of a Hindu temple and worship the Hindu God. All this becomes possible among the Hindus because for a priest it is enough to be born in a priestly caste. The whole thing is abominable and is due to the fact that the priestly class among Hindus is subject neither to law nor to morality. It recognizes no duties. It knows only of rights and privileges. It is a pest which divinity seems to have let loose on the masses for their mental and moral degradation. The priestly class must be brought under control by some such legislation as I have outlined above. It will prevent it from doing mischief and from misguiding people. It will democratise it by throwing it open to every one. It will certainly help to kill the Brahminism and will also help to kill Caste, which is nothing but Brahminism incarnate. Brahminism is the poison which has spoiled Hinduism. You will succeed in saving Hinduism if you will kill Brahminism. There should be no opposition to this reform from any quarter. It should be welcomed even by the Arya Samajists, because this is merely an application of their own doctrine of guna-karma. Whether you do that or you do not, you must give a new doctrinal basis to your Religiona basis that will be in consonance with Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, in short, with Democracy. I am no authority on the subject. But I am told that for such religious principles as will be in consonance with Liberty, Equality and Fraternity it may not be necessary for you to borrow from foreign sources and that you could draw for such principles on the Upanishads. Whether you could do so without a complete remoulding, a considerable scraping and chipping off the ore they contain. is more than I can say. This means a complete change in the fundamental notions of life-it means a complete change in the values of life. It means a complete change in outlook and in attitude towards men and things. It means conversion but if you do not. like the word, I will say, it means new life. But a new life cannot enter a body that is dead. New life can center only in a new body. The old body must die before a new body can come into existence and a new life can enter into it. To put it simply: the old must cease to be operative before the new can begin to enliven and to pulsate. This is what I meant when I said you must discard the authority of the Shastras and destroy the religion of the Shastras. I have kept you too long. It is time I brought this address to a close. This would have been a convenient point for me to have stopped. But this would probably be my last address to a Hindu audience on a subject vitally concerning the Hindus. I would therefore like, before I close, to place before the Hindus, if they will allow me, some questions which I regard as vital and invite them seriously to consider the same. In the first place, the Hindus must consider whether it is sufficient to take the placid view of the anthropologist that there is nothing to be said about the beliefs, habits, morals and outlooks on life, which obtain among the different peoples of the world except that they often differ or whether it is not necessary to make an attempt to find out what kind of morality, beliefs, habits and outlook have worked best and have enabled those who possessed them to flourish, to go strong, to people the earth and to have dominion over it. As is observed by Prof. Carver, 8221 Morality and religion, as the organised expression of moral approval and disapproval, must be regarded as factors in the struggle for existence as truly as are weapons for offence and defence, teeth and claws, horns and hoofs, furs and feathers. The social group, community, tribe or nation, which develops an unworkable scheme of morality or within which those social acts which weaken it and unfit it for survival, habitually create the sentiment of approval, while those which would strengthen and enable it to be expanded habitually create the sentiment of disapproval, will eventually be eliminated. It is its habits of approval or disapproval (these are the results of religion and morality) that handicap it, as really as the possession of two wings on one side with none on. the other will handicap the colony of flies. It would be as futile in the one case as in the other to argue, that one system is just as good as another.8221 Morality and religion, therefore, are not mere matters of likes and dislikes. You may dislike exceedingly a scheme of morality, which, if universally practised within a nation, would make that nation the strongest nation on the face of the earth. Yet in spite of your dislike such a nation will become strong. You may like exceedingly a scheme of morality and an ideal of justice, which if universally practised within a nation, would make it enable to hold its own in the struggle with other nations. Yet in spite of your admiration this nation will eventually disappear. The Hindus must, therefore, examine their religion and then morality in terms of their survival value. Secondly, the Hindus must consider whether they should conserve the whole of their social heritage or select what is helpful and transmit to future generations only that much and no more. Prof, John Dewey. who was my teacher and to whom I owe so much, has said. 8221 Every society gets encumbered with what is trivial, with dead wood from the past, and with what is positively perverse8230 As a society becomes more enlightened, it realizes that it is responsible not to conserve and transmit, the whole of its existing achievements, but only such as make for a better future society.8221 Even Burke in spite of the vehemence with which he opposed the principle of change embodied in the French Revolution, was compelled to admit that 8221 a State without the means of some change is without the means of its conservation. Without such means it might even risk the loss of that part of the constitution which it wished the most religiously to preserve, 8221 What Burke said of a State applies equally to a society. Thirdly, the Hindus must consider whether they must not cease to worship the past as supplying its ideals. The beautiful effect of this worship of the past are best summed up by Prof. Dewey when he says. 8221 An individual can live only in the present. The present is not just something which comes after the past much less something produced by it. It is what life is in leaving the past behind it. The study of past products will not help us to understand the present. A knowledge of the past and its heritage is of great significance when it enters into the present, but not otherwise. And the mistake of making the-records and remains of the past the main material of education is that it tends to make the past a rival of the present and the present a more or less futile imitation of the past.8221 The principle, which makes little of the present act of living and growing, naturally looks upon the present as empty and upon the future as remote. Such a principle is inimical to progress and is an hindrance to a strong and a steady current of life. Fourthly, the Hindus must consider whether the time has not come for them to recog